the history of the common law of england-第14部分
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r was assisted with a great Company of Foreigners； some that he favour'd； some that had highly deserved for their Valour； some that were necessitous Soldiers of Fortune； and others that were either ambitious or covetous： All whose Desires； Deserts； or Expectations； the Conqueror had no other Means to satisfy； but by the Estates of such as had appeared open Enemies to him； and doubtless； many innocent Persons suffered in this Kind； under false Suggestions and Accusations； which occasioned great Exclamations by the Writers of those Times against the Violences and Oppressions which were used after this Victory。 And； Thirdly； Such as stood Neuters； and meddled not on either Side during the Controversy： And doubtless； for some Time after this great Change； many of those suffered very much； and were hardly used in their Estates； especially such as were of the more eminent Sort。 Gervasius Tilburiensis； who wrote in the Time of Hen。 2。 Libro I。 Cap。 Quid Murdrum & quare sic dictum； gives us a large Account of what he had traditionally learned touching this Matter； to this Effect； viz。 〃Post Regni Conquisitionem & Perduellium Subjectionem； &c。 Nomine autem Successionis a temporibus subactae Gentis nihil sibi Vendicarent；〃 &c。 i。 e。 After the Conquest of the Kingdom； and Subjection of the Rebels； when the King himself and his great Men had surveyed their new Acquisitions； and strict Inquiry was made； who there were that； fighting against the King； had saved themselves by Flight； From these； and the Heirs of such as were slain in Battle； fighting against him； all Hopes of Succession； or of possessing their Estates； were lost； for the People being subdued； they held their Lives as a Favour； &c。 But Gervase； as he speaks so liberally in Relation to the Conquest； and the Subacta Gens； as he terms us； so it should seem； he was in great Measure mistaken in this Relation： For it is most plain； That those that were not engaged visibly in the Assistance of Harold； were not； according to the Rules of those Times； disabled to enjoy their Possessions； or make Title of Succession to their Ancestors； or transmit to their Posterity as formerly； tho' possibly some Oppressions might be used to particular Persons here and there to the contrary。 And this appears by that excellent Monument of Antiquity； set down in Sir H。 Spelman's Glossary； in the Title of Drenches or Drenges； which I shall here transcribe； viz。 Edwinus de Sharborne； Et quidam alii qui ejecti fuerunt & Terris suis abierunt ad conquestorem & dixerunt ei； quod nunquam ante conquestum； nec in conquestum； nec post； fuerunt contra Regem ipsum in Concilio； aut in auxilio sed tenuerunt se in pace； Et hoc parati sunt probare qualiter Rex vellet Ordinare； Per quod idem Rex facit Inquiri per totam Angliam si ita fuit； quod quidem probatum fuit； propter quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes illi qui sic tenuerunt se in pace in forma praedicta quod ipsi rehaberent omnes Terras & Dominationes suas adeo integre & in pace ut unquam habuerent vel tenuerunt ante conquestum suum； Et quod ipsi in posterum vocarentur Drenges。 But it seems the Possessions of the Church were not under this Discrimination； for they being held not in Right of the Person； but of the Church； were not subject to any Confiscation by the Adherence of the Possessor to Harold the Usurper： And therefore； tho' it seems Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury； at the coming in of William I had been in some Opposition against him； which probably might be the true Cause why he perform'd not the Office of his Coronation； which of Right belonged to him； tho' some other Impediments were pretended； Vide Eadmerus in initio Libri； and might also possibly be the Reason why a considerable Part of his Possessions were granted to Odo Bishop of Bayonne； but were afterwards recovered by Lanfrank； his Successor； at Pinendon； in pleno Comitatu； ubi Rex praecepit totum Comitatum absque mora considere； & homines Comitatus omnes Francigenos & praecipue Anglos in antiquis Legibus & Consuetudinibus peritos； in unum convenire。 To this may be added those several Grants and Charters made by King William I mentioned in the History of Ely； and in Eadmerus； for restoring to Bishopricks and Abbies such Lands； or Goods； as had been taken away from them； viz。 Willielmus Dei gratia Rex Anglorum； Lanfranco Archiepiscopo Cantuar' & Galfrido Episcopo Constantiarum & Roberto Comiti de ou & Richardo filio Comitis Gilberti & Hugoni de Monteforti； suisque aliis proceribus Regni Angliae salutem。 Summonete Vicecomites meos ex meo praecepto； & ex parte mea eis dicite ut reddant Episcopatibus meis & Abbatiis totum Dominium omnesque Dominicas terras quas de Domino Episcopatuum meorum； & Abbatiarum； Episcopi mei & Abbates eis vel lenitate timore vel cupiditate dederunt vel habere consenserunt vel ipsi violentia sua inde abstraxerunt； & quod hacteuus injuste possiderunt de Dominio Ecclesiarum mearum。 Et nisi reddiderint sicut eos ex parte mea summonebitis； vos ipsos velint nolint； constringite reddere； Et quod si quilibet alius vel aliquis vestrum quibus hanc Justitiam imposui ejusdem querelae fuerit reddat similiter quod de Domino Episcopatuum vel Abbatiarum mearum habuit ne propter illud quod inde aliquis vestrum habebit； minus exerceat super meos Vicecomites vel alios； quicunque teneant Dominium Ecclesiarum mearum； quod Praecipio； &c。 Willielmus Rex Anglor' omnibus suis fidelibus suis & Vicecomitibus in quorum Vicecomitatibus Abbatia de Heli Terras habet salutem。 Praecipio ut Abbatia pred。 habeat Omnes consuetudines suas scilicet Saccham & Socham Toll & Team & Infanganetheof； Hamsocua； & Grithbrice Fithwite & Ferdwite infra Burgum & extra & omnes alias forisfacturas in terra sua super suos homines sicut habuit Die qua Rex Edwardus fuit vivus & mortuus； & sicut mea jussione dirationatae apud Keneteford per plures Scyras ante meos Barones； viz。 Galfridum Constantientem Ep。 & Baldewine Abbatem； &c。 Teste Rogero Bigot。 Willielmus Rex Angl。 Lanfranco Archiepo'； & Rogero Comiti Moritoniae； & Galfrido Constantien Epo。 salutem。 Mando vobis & Praecipio ut iterum faciatis congregari omnes Scyras quae interfuerunt placito habito de Terris Ecclesia de Heli； antequam mea conjux in Normaniam novissime veniret； cum quibus etiam sint de Baronibus meis； qui competenter adesse poterint & praedicto placito interfuerint & qui terras ejusdem Ecclesiae tenent； Quibus in unum congregatis eligantur plures de illis Anglis qui sciunt quomodo Terrae jacebant praefatae Ecclesiae Die qua Rex Edwardus Obiit； & quod inde dixerint ididem jure jurando testentur； quo facto restituentur Ecclesiae terrae quae in Dominico suo erant die obitus Regis Edwardi； Exceptis his quas homines clamabant me sibi dedisse； illas vero Literis mihi significate quae sint； & qui eas tenent； Qui autem tenent Theinlandes quae proculdubio debent teneri de Ecclesia faciant concordiam cum Abbate quam Meliorem poterint； & si nolurunt terrae remaneant ad Ecclesiam； Hoc quoque detinentibus Socham & Saccam fiat； &c。 Willielmus Rex Anglorum； Lanfranco Archiepisc'； & G。 Episc。 & R。 Comiti M。 salutem； &c。 Defendite ne Remigius Episcopus novas consuetudines requirat infra Insulam de Heli； Nolo enim quod ibi habeat nisi illud quod Antecessor ejus habebat Tempore Regis Edwar。di Scilicet qua die ipse Rex mortuus est。 Et si Remig。 Episcopus inde Placitare voluerit placitet inde sicut fecisset tempore Regis Edw。 & placitum istum sit in vestra praesentia； De custodia de Norguic Abbatem Simeonem quietum esse demittite； Sed ibi municionem suam conduci faciat & custodiri。 Facite remanere placitum de Terris quas Calumniantur Willielmus de ou； & Radulphus filius Gualeranni； & Robertus Gernon； si inde placitare noluerint sicut inde placitassent temPore Regis Edwardi； & sicut iu eodem tempore Abbatia consuetudines suas habebat； Volo ut eas omnio faciatis habere sicut Abbas per Chartas sUas； & per Testes suos eas deplacitare poterit。 I might add many more Charters to the foregoing； and more especially those famous Charters in Spelman's Councils； Vol。 2。 Fol。 14。 & 165； whereby it appears； That King William I。 Communi Concilio； & Concilio Archiepiscoporum； Episcoporum & Abbatum； & omnium Principum & Baronum Regni； instituted the Courts for holding Pleas of Ecclesiastick Causes； to be separate and distinct from those Courts that had Jurisdiction of Civil Causes。 Sed de his plusquam fatis。 And thus I conclude the Point I first propounded； viz。 How King William I after his Victory； dealt with the Possessions of the English； whereby it appears that there was no Pretence of an Universal Conquest； or that he was a Victor in Populum； neither did he claim the Title of English Lands upon that Account； but only made Use of his Victory thus far； to seize the Lands of such as had oppos'd him： Which is universal in all Cases of Victories； tho' without the Pretence of Conquest。 Secondly； Therefore I come to the Second general Question； viz。 What was done in Relation to the Laws？ It is very plain； that the King； after his Victory； did； as all wise Princes would have done； endeavour to make a stricter Union between England and Normandy； and in order thereunto； he endeavoured to bring in the French instead of the Saxon Language； then used in England： 〃Deliberavit〃 （says Holcot） 〃quomodo Linguam Saxonicam possit destruere； & Anglicam & Normanicam idiomate concordare & ideo ordinavit quod nullus in Curia Regis placitaret nisi in Lingua Gallica； &c。〃 From whence arose the Practice of Pleading in our Courts of Law in the Norman or French Tongue； which Custom continued till the Statute of 36 E。 3。 c。 15。 And as he thus endeavoured to make a Community in their Language； so possibly he might endeavour to make the like in their Laws； and to introduce the Norman Laws into England； or as many of 'em as he thought convenient； and it is very probable； that after the Victory； the Norman Nobility and Soldiers were scattered through the whole Kingdom； and mingled with the English； which might possibly introduce some of the Norman Laws and Customs insensibly into this Kingdom： And to that End the
