representative government-第25部分

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erived　from　some　other　source。　No　community　has　ever　long　continued　progressive；　but　while　a　conflict　was　going　on　between　the　strongest　power　in　the　community　and　some　rival　power；　between　the　spiritual　and　temporal　authorities；　the　military　or　territorial　and　the　industrious　classes；　the　king　and　the　people；　the　orthodox　and　religious　reformers。　When　the　victory　on　either　side　was　so　complete　as　to　put　an　end　to　the　strife；　and　no　other　conflict　took　its　place；　first　stagnation　followed；　and　then　decay。　The　ascendancy　of　the　numerical　majority　is　less　unjust；　and　on　the　whole　less　mischievous；　than　many　others；　but　it　is　attended　with　the　very　same　kind　of　dangers；　and　even　more　certainly；　for　when　the　government　is　in　the　hands　of　One　or　a　Few；　the　Many　are　always　existent　as　a　rival　power；　which　may　not　be　strong　enough　ever　to　control　the　other；　but　whose　opinion　and　sentiment　are　a　moral；　and　even　a　social；　support　to　all　who；　either　from　conviction　or　contrariety　of　interest；　are　opposed　to　any　of　the　tendencies　of　the　ruling　authority。　But　when　the　Democracy　is　supreme；　there　is　no　One　or　Few　strong　enough　for　dissentient　opinions　and　injured　or　menaced　interests　to　lean　upon。　The　great　difficulty　of　democratic　government　has　hitherto　seemed　to　be；　how　to　provide；　in　a　democratic　society；　what　circumstances　have　provided　hitherto　in　all　the　societies　which　have　maintained　themselves　ahead　of　others…　a　social　support；　a　point　d'appui；　for　individual　resistance　to　the　tendencies　of　the　ruling　power；　a　protection；　a　rallying　point；　for　opinions　and　interests　which　the　ascendant　public　opinion　views　with　disfavour。　For　want　of　such　a　point　d'appui；　the　older　societies；　and　all　but　a　few　modern　ones；　either　fell　into　dissolution　or　became　stationary　（which　means　slow　deterioration）　through　the　exclusive　predominance　of　a　part　only　of　the　conditions　of　social　and　mental　well…being。　　　Now；　this　great　want　the　system　of　Personal　Representation　is　fitted　to　supply　in　the　most　perfect　manner　which　the　circumstances　of　modern　society　admit　of。　The　only　quarter　in　which　to　look　for　a　supplement；　or　completing　corrective；　to　the　instincts　of　a　democratic　majority；　is　the　instructed　minority：　but；　in　the　ordinary　mode　of　constituting　democracy；　this　minority　has　no　organ：　Mr。　Hare's　system　provides　one。　The　representatives　who　would　be　returned　to　Parliament　by　the　aggregate　of　minorities　would　afford　that　organ　in　its　greatest　perfection。　A　separate　organisation　of　the　instructed　classes；　even　if　practicable；　would　be　invidious；　and　could　only　escape　from　being　offensive　by　being　totally　without　influence。　But　if　the　elite　of　these　classes　formed　part　of　the　Parliament；　by　the　same　title　as　any　other　of　its　members…　by　representing　the　same　number　of　citizens；　the　same　numerical　fraction　of　the　national　will…　their　presence　could　give　umbrage　to　nobody；　while　they　would　be　in　the　position　of　highest　vantage；　both　for　making　their　opinions　and　counsels　heard　on　all　important　subjects；　and　for　taking　an　active　part　in　public　business。　Their　abilities　would　probably　draw　to　them　more　than　their　numerical　share　of　the　actual　administration　of　government；　as　the　Athenians　did　not　confide　responsible　public　functions　to　Cleon　or　Hyperbolus　（the　employment　of　Cleon　at　Pylos　and　Amphipolis　was　purely　exceptional）；　but　Nicias；　and　Theramenes；　and　Alcibiades；　were　in　constant　employment　both　at　home　and　abroad；　though　known　to　sympathise　more　with　oligarchy　than　with　democracy。　The　instructed　minority　would；　in　the　actual　voting；　count　only　for　their　numbers；　but　as　a　moral　power　they　would　count　for　much　more；　in　virtue　of　their　knowledge；　and　of　the　influence　it　would　give　them　over　the　rest。　An　arrangement　better　adapted　to　keep　popular　opinion　within　reason　and　justice；　and　to　guard　it　from　the　various　deteriorating　influences　which　assail　the　weak　side　of　democracy；　could　scarcely　by　human　ingenuity　be　devised。　A　democratic　people　would　in　this　way　be　provided　with　what　in　any　other　way　it　would　almost　certainly　miss…leaders　of　a　higher　grade　of　intellect　and　character　than　itself。　Modern　democracy　would　have　its　occasional　Pericles；　and　its　habitual　group　of　superior　and　guiding　minds。　　　With　all　this　array　of　reasons；　of　the　most　fundamental　character；　on　the　affirmative　side　of　the　question；　what　is　there　on　the　negative？　Nothing　that　will　sustain　examination；　when　people　can　once　be　induced　to　bestow　any　real　examination　upon　a　new　thing。　Those　indeed；　if　any　such　there　be；　who；　under　pretence　of　equal　justice；　aim　only　at　substituting　the　class　ascendancy　of　the　poor　for　that　of　the　rich；　will　of　course　be　unfavourable　to　a　scheme　which　places　both　on　a　level。　But　I　do　not　believe　that　any　such　wish　exists　at　present　among　the　working　classes　of　this　country；　though　I　would　not　answer　for　the　effect　which　opportunity　and　demagogic　artifices　may　hereafter　have　in　exciting　it。　In　the　United　States；　where　the　numerical　majority　have　long　been　in　full　possession　of　collective　despotism；　they　would　probably　be　as　unwilling　to　part　with　it　as　a　single　despot　or　an　aristocracy。　But　I　believe　that　the　English　democracy　would　as　yet　be　content　with　protection　against　the　class　legislation　of　others；　without　claiming　the　power　to　exercise　it　in　their　turn。　　　Among　the　ostensible　objectors　to　Mr。　Hare's　scheme；　some　profess　to　think　the　plan　unworkable；　but　these；　it　will　be　found；　are　generally　people　who　have　barely　heard　of　it；　or　have　given　it　a　very　slight　and　cursory　examination。　Others　are　unable　to　reconcile　themselves　to　the　loss　of　what　they　term　the　local　character　of　the　representation。　A　nation　does　not　seem　to　them　to　consist　of　persons；　but　of　artificial　units；　the　creation　of　geography　and　statistics。　Parliament　must　represent　towns　and　counties；　not　human　beings。　But　no　one　seeks　to　annihilate　towns　and　counties。　Towns　and　counties；　it　may　be　presumed；　are　represented　when　the　human　beings　who　inhabit　them　are　represented。　Local　feelings　cannot　exist　without　somebody　who　feels　them；　nor　local　interests　without　somebody　interested　in　them。　If　the　human　beings　whose　feelings　and　interests　these　are　have　their　proper　share　of　representation；　these　feelings　and　interests　are　represented　in　common　with　all　other　feelings　and　interests　of　those　persons。　But　I　cannot　see　why　the　feelings　and　interests　which　arrange　mankind　according　to　localities　should　be　the　only　one　thought　worthy　of　being　represented；　or　why　people　who　have　other　feelings　and　interests；　which　they　value　more　than　they　do　their　geographical　ones；　should　be　restricted　to　these　as　the　sole　principle　of　their　political　classification。　The　notion　that　Yorkshire　and　Middlesex　have　rights　apart　from　those　of　their　inhabitants；　or　that　Liverpool　and　Exeter　are　the　proper　objects　of　the　legislator's　care；　in　contradistinction　the　population　of　those　places；　is　a　curious　specimen　of　delusion　produced　by　words。　　　In　general；　however；　objectors　cut　the　matter　short　by　affirming　that　the　people　of　England　will　never　consent　to　such　a　system。　What　the　people　of　England　are　likely　to　think　of　those　who　pass　such　a　summary　sentence　on　their　capacity　of　understanding　and　judgment；　deeming　it　superfluous　to　consider　whether　a　thing　is　right　or　wrong　before　affirming　that　they　are　certain　to　reject　it；　I　will　not　undertake　to　say。　For　my　own　part；　I　do　not　think　that　the　people　of　England　have　deserved　to　be；　without　trial；　stigmatised　as　insurmountably　prejudiced　against　anything　which　can　be　proved　to　be　good　either　for　themselves　or　for　others。　It　also　appears　to　me　that　when　prejudices　persist　obstinately；　it　is　the　fault　of　nobody　so　much　as　of　those　who　make　a　point　of　proclaiming　them　insuperable；　as　an　excuse　to　themselves　for　never　joining　in　an　attempt　to　remove　them。　Any　prejudice　whatever　will　be　insurmountable　if　those　who　do　not　share　it　themselves　truckle　to　it；　and　flatter　it；　and　accept　it　as　a　law　of　nature。　I　believe；　however；　that　in　this　case　there　is　in　general；　among　those　who　have　yet　heard　of　the　proposition；　no　other　hostility　to　it　than　the　natural　and　healthy　distrust　attaching　to　all　novelties　which　have　not　been　sufficiently　canvassed　to　make　generally　manifest　all　the　pros　and　cons　of　the　question。　The　only　serious　obstacle　is　the　unfamiliarity：　this　indeed　is　a　formidable　one；　for　the　imagination　much　more　easily　reconciles　itself　to　a　great　alteration　in　substance；　than　to　a　very　small　one　in　names　and　forms。　But　unfamiliarity　is　a　disadvantage　which；　when　there　is　any　real　value　in　an　idea；　it　only　requires　time　to　remove。　And　in　these　days　of　discussion；　and　generally　awakened　interest　in　improvement；　what　formerly　was　the　work　of　centuries；　often　requires　only　years。

　　Since　the　first　publication　of　this　Treatise；　several　adverse　criticisms　have　been　made　on　Mr。　Hare's　plan；　which　indicate　at　least　a　careful　examination　of　it；　and　a　more　intelligent　consideration　than　had　previously　been　given　to　its　pretensions。　This　is　the　natural　progress　of　the　discussion　of　great　improvements。　They　are　at　first　met　by　a　blind　prejudice；　and　by　arguments　to　which　only　blind　prejudice　could　attach　any　value。　As　the　prejudice　weakens；　the　arguments　it　employs　for　some　time　increase　in　strength；　since；　the　plan　being　better　understood；　its　inevitable　inconveniences；　and　the　circumstances　which　militate　against　its　at　once　producing　all　the　benefits　it　is　intrinsically　capable　of；　come　to　light　along　with　its　merits。　But　of　all　the　objections；　having　any　semblance　of　reason；　which　have　come　under　my　notice；　there　is　not　one　which　had　not　been　foreseen；　considered；　and　canvassed　by　the　supporters　of　the　plan；　and　found　either　unreal　or　easily　surmountable。　　　The　most　serious；　in　appearance；　of　the　objections　may　be　the　most　briefly　answered；　the　assumed　impossibility　of　guarding　against　fraud；　or　suspicion　of　fraud；　in　the　operations　of　the　Central　Office。　Publicity；　and　complete　liberty　of　inspecting　the　voting　papers　after　the　election；　were　the　securities　provided；　but　these；　it　is　maintained；　would　be　unavailing；　because；　to　check　the　returns；　a　voter　would　have　to　go　over　all　the　work　that　had　been　done　by　the　staff　of　clerks。　This　would　be　a　very　weighty　objection；　if　t