representative government-第39部分

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ituencies　who　sufficiently　value　mental　ability；　and　eagerly　seek　for　it；　will　generally　succeed　in　obtaining　men　beyond　mediocrity；　and　often　men　whom　they　can　trust　to　carry　on　public　affairs　according　to　their　unfettered　judgment；　to　whom　it　would　be　an　affront　to　require　that　they　should　give　up　that　judgment　at　the　behest　of　their　inferiors　in　knowledge。　　　If　such　persons；　honestly　sought；　are　not　to　be　found；　then　indeed　the　electors　are　justified　in　taking　other　precautions；　for　they　cannot　be　expected　to　postpone　their　particular　opinions；　unless　in　order　that　they　may　be　served　by　a　person　of　superior　knowledge　to　their　own。　They　would　do　well；　indeed；　even　then；　to　remember；　that　when　once　chosen；　the　representative；　if　he　devotes　himself　to　his　duty；　has　greater　opportunities　of　correcting　an　original　false　judgment　than　fall　to　the　lot　of　most　of　his　constituents；　a　consideration　which　generally　ought　to　prevent　them　（unless　compelled　by　necessity　to　choose　some　one　whose　impartiality　they　do　not　fully　trust）　from　exacting　a　pledge　not　to　change　his　opinion；　or；　if　he　does；　to　resign　his　seat。　But　when　an　unknown　person；　not　certified　in　unmistakable　terms　by　some　high　authority；　is　elected　for　the　first　time；　the　elector　cannot　be　expected　not　to　make　conformity　to　his　own　sentiments　the　primary　requisite。　It　is　enough　if　he　does　not　regard　a　subsequent　change　of　those　sentiments；　honestly　avowed；　with　its　grounds　undisguisedly　stated；　as　a　peremptory　reason　for　withdrawing　his　confidence。　　　Even　supposing　the　most　tried　ability　and　acknowledged　eminence　of　character　in　the　representative；　the　private　opinions　of　the　electors　are　not　to　be　placed　entirely　in　abeyance。　Deference　to　mental　superiority　is　not　to　go　the　length　of　self…annihilation…　abnegation　of　any　personal　opinion。　But　when　the　difference　does　not　relate　to　the　fundamentals　of　politics；　however　decided　the　elector　may　be　in　his　own　sentiments；　he　ought　to　consider　that　when　an　able　man　differs　from　him　there　is　at　least　a　considerable　chance　of　his　being　in　the　wrong；　and　that　even　if　otherwise；　it　is　worth　while　to　give　up　his　opinion　in　things　not　absolutely　essential；　for　the　sake　of　the　inestimable　advantage　of　having　an　able　man　to　act　for　him　in　the　many　matters　in　which　he　himself　is　not　qualified　to　form　a　judgment。　In　such　cases　he　often　endeavours　to　reconcile　both　wishes；　by　inducing　the　able　man　to　sacrifice　his　own　opinion　on　the　points　of　difference：　but；　for　the　able　man　to　lend　himself　to　this　compromise；　is　treason　against　his　especial　office；　abdication　of　the　peculiar　duties　of　mental　superiority；　of　which　it　is　one　of　the　most　sacred　not　to　desert　the　cause　which　has　the　clamour　against　it；　nor　to　deprive　of　his　services　those　of　his　opinions　which　need　them　the　most。　A　man　of　conscience　and　known　ability　should　insist　on　full　freedom　to　act　as　he　in　his　own　judgment　deems　best；　and　should　not　consent　to　serve　on　any　other　terms。　But　the　electors　are　entitled　to　know　how　he　means　to　act；　what　opinions；　on　all　things　which　concern　his　public　duty；　he　intends　should　guide　his　conduct。　If　some　of　these　are　unacceptable　to　them；　it　is　for　him　to　satisfy　them　that　he　nevertheless　deserves　to　be　their　representative；　and　if　they　are　wise；　they　will　overlook；　in　favour　of　his　general　value；　many　and　great　differences　between　his　opinions　and　their　own。　　　　There　are　some　differences；　however；　which　they　cannot　be　expected　to　overlook。　Whoever　feels　the　amount　of　interest　in　the　government　of　his　country　which　befits　a　freeman；　has　some　convictions　on　national　affairs　which　are　like　his　life…blood；　which　the　strength　of　his　belief　in　their　truth；　together　with　the　importance　he　attaches　to　them；　forbid　him　to　make　a　subject　of　compromise；　or　postpone　to　the　judgment　of　any　person；　however　greatly　his　superior。　Such　convictions；　when　they　exist　in　a　people；　or　in　any　appreciable　portion　of　one；　are　entitled　to　influence　in　virtue　of　their　mere　existence；　and　not　solely　in　that　of　the　probability　of　their　being　grounded　in　truth。　A　people　cannot　be　well　governed　in　opposition　to　their　primary　notions　of　right；　even　though　these　may　be　in　some　points　erroneous。　A　correct　estimate　of　the　relation　which　should　subsist　between　governors　and　governed；　does　not　require　the　electors　to　consent　to　be　represented　by　one　who　intends　to　govern　them　in　opposition　to　their　fundamental　convictions。　If　they　avail　themselves　of　his　capacities　of　useful　service　in　other　respects；　at　a　time　when　the　points　on　which　he　is　vitally　at　issue　with　them　are　not　likely　to　be　mooted；　they　are　justified　in　dismissing　him　at　the　first　moment　when　a　question　arises　involving　these；　and　on　which　there　is　not　so　assured　a　majority　for　what　they　deem　right　as　to　make　the　dissenting　voice　of　that　particular　individual　unimportant。　Thus　（I　mention　names　to　illustrate　my　meaning；　not　for　any　personal　application）　the　opinions　supposed　to　be　entertained　by　Mr。　Cobden　and　Mr。　Bright　on　resistance　to　foreign　aggression　might　be　overlooked　during　the　Crimean　war；　when　there　was　an　overwhelming　national　feeling　on　the　contrary　side；　and　might　yet　very　properly　lead　to　their　rejection　by　the　electors　at　the　time　of　the　Chinese　quarrel　（though　in　itself　a　more　doubtful　question）；　because　it　was　then　for　some　time　a　moot　point　whether　their　view　of　the　case　might　not　prevail。　　　As　the　general　result　of　what　precedes；　we　may　affirm　that　actual　pledges　should　not　be　required；　unless；　from　unfavourable　social　circumstances　or　faulty　institutions；　the　electors　are　so　narrowed　in　their　choice　as　to　be　compelled　to　fix　it　on　a　person　presumptively　under　the　influence　of　partialities　hostile　to　their　interest：　That　they　are　entitled　to　a　full　knowledge　of　the　political　opinions　and　sentiments　of　the　candidate；　and　not　only　entitled；　but　often　bound；　to　reject　one　who　differs　from　themselves　on　the　few　articles　which　are　the　foundation　of　their　political　belief：　That　in　proportion　to　the　opinion　they　entertain　of　the　mental　superiority　of　a　candidate；　they　ought　to　put　up　with　his　expressing　and　acting　on　opinions　different　from　theirs　on　any　number　of　things　not　included　in　their　fundamental　articles　of　belief：　That　they　ought　to　be　unremitting　in　their　search　for　a　representative　of　such　calibre　as　to　be　entrusted　with　full　power　of　obeying　the　dictates　of　his　own　judgment：　That　they　should　consider　it　a　duty　which　they　owe　to　their　fellow…countrymen；　to　do　their　utmost　towards　placing　men　of　this　quality　in　the　legislature：　and　that　it　is　of　much　greater　importance　to　themselves　to　be　represented　by　such　a　man　than　by　one　who　professes　agreement　in　a　greater　number　of　their　opinions：　for　the　benefits　of　his　ability　are　certain；　while　the　hypothesis　of　his　being　wrong　and　their　being　right　on　the　points　of　difference　is　a　very　doubtful　one。　　　I　have　discussed　this　question　on　the　assumption　that　the　electoral　system；　in　all　that　depends　on　positive　institution；　conforms　to　the　principles　laid　down　in　the　preceding　chapters。　Even　on　this　hypothesis；　the　delegation　theory　of　representation　seems　to　me　false；　and　its　practical　operation　hurtful；　though　the　mischief　would　in　that　case　be　confined　within　certain　bounds。　But　if　the　securities　by　which　I　have　endeavoured　to　guard　the　representative　principle　are　not　recognised　by　the　Constitution；　if　provision　is　not　made　for　the　representation　of　minorities；　nor　any　difference　admitted　in　the　numerical　value　of　votes；　according　to　some　criterion　of　the　amount　of　education　possessed　by　the　voters；　in　that　case　no　words　can　exaggerate　the　importance　in　principle　of　leaving　an　unfettered　discretion　to　the　representative；　for　it　would　then　be　the　only　chance；　under　universal　suffrage；　for　any　other　opinions　than　those　of　the　majority　to　be　heard　in　Parliament。　In　that　falsely　called　democracy　which　is　really　the　exclusive　rule　of　the　operative　classes；　all　others　being　unrepresented　and　unheard；　the　only　escape　from　class　legislation　in　its　narrowest；　and　political　ignorance　in　its　most　dangerous；　form；　would　lie　in　such　disposition　as　the　uneducated　might　have　to　choose　educated　representatives；　and　to　defer　to　their　opinions。　Some　willingness　to　do　this　might　reasonably　be　expected；　and　everything　would　depend　upon　cultivating　it　to　the　highest　point。　But；　once　invested　with　political　omnipotence；　if　the　operative　classes　voluntarily　concurred　in　imposing　in　this　or　any　other　manner　any　considerable　limitation　upon　their　self…opinion　and　self…will；　they　would　prove　themselves　wiser　than　any　class；　possessed　of　absolute　power；　has　shown　itself；　or；　we　may　venture　to　say；　is　ever　likely　to　show　itself；　under　that　corrupting　influence。　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter　13　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Of　a　Second　Chamber。

　　OF　ALL　topics　relating　to　the　theory　of　representative　government；　none　has　been　the　subject　of　more　discussion；　especially　on　the　Continent；　than　what　is　known　as　the　question　of　the　Two　Chambers。　It　has　occupied　a　greater　amount　of　the　attention　of　thinkers　than　many　questions　of　ten　times　its　importance；　and　has　been　regarded　as　a　sort　of　touchstone　which　distinguishes　the　partisans　of　limited　from　those　of　uncontrolled　democracy。　For　my　own　part；　I　set　little　value　on　any　check　which　a　Second　Chamber　can　apply　to　a　democracy　otherwise　unchecked；　and　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　if　all　other　constitutional　questions　are　rightly　decided；　it　is　but　of　secondary　importance　whether　the　Parliament　consists　of　two　Chambers；　or　only　of　one。　　　If　there　are　two　Chambers；　they　may　either　be　of　similar；　or　of　dissimilar　composition。　If　of　similar；　both　will　obey　the　same　influences；　and　whatever　has　a　majority　in　one　of　the　Houses　will　be　likely　to　have　it　in　the　other。　It　is　true　that　the　necessity　of　obtaining　the　consent　of　both　to　the　passing　of　any　measure　may　at　times　be　a　material　obstacle　to　improvement；　since；　assuming　both　the　Houses　to　be　representative；　and　equal　in　their　numbers；　a　number　slightly　exceeding　a　fourth　of　the　entire　representation　may　prevent　the　passing　of　a　Bill；　while；　if　there　is　but　one　House；　a　Bill　is　secure　of　passing　if　it　has　a　bare　majority。　But　the　case　supposed　is　rather　abstractedly　possible　than　likely　to　occur　in　p