the life of stephen a. douglas-第6部分

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On　the　evening　of　the　22nd　a　mass　meeting　was　held　at　the　city　hall；　attended　by　a　great　concourse　of　angry　citizens；　who；　amid　tumultuous　applause；　resolved　to　defy　〃death；　the　dungeon　and　the　grave〃　in　resisting　the　hated　law。　　Douglas　appeared　on　the　platform　and　announced　that　on　the　following　evening　he　would　address　the　people　in　defense　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law　and　the　entire　Compromise。　The　announcement　was　received　with　a　storm　of　hisses　and　groans。

The　next　night　an　enormous　multitude　gathered　to　hear　him。　　The　audience　was　not　only　sullen　but　bitterly　hostile。　　After　a　contemptuous　reference　to　the　resolutions　and　a　brief　vindication　of　himself　against　their　insinuations；　he　plunged　into　the　defense　of　the　law。　　He　insisted　that　the　provision　for　the　return　of　fugitive　slaves　contained　in　the　recent　act　was　analogous　to　the　general　provision　of　law　for　the　return　of　fugitives　from　justice；　and；　while　abuses　of　the　process　might　occur　and　wrong　occasionally　inflicted；　that　was　one　of　the　inherent　infirmities　of　human　law；　and　the　same　objection　could　be　urged　with　equal　force　to　all　extradition　statutes。　　While　free　blacks　might　be　seized　in　the　North　and　carried　South　on　the　false　charge　of　being　fugitives　from　service；　innocent　white　men　might　also　be　seized　in　Chicago　and　carried　to　California　on　the　false　charge　of　being　fugitives　from　justice。

He　reminded　them　that　the　law　of　1850　was　substantially　a　reenactment　of　that　of　1793；　passed　by　the　Revolutionary　Fathers；　the　founders　of　the　Constitution；　and　approved　by　President　Washington。　　He　did　not　argue；　but　assumed　the　justice　of　the　old　law；　nor　did　he　allude　to　the　increased　ardor　of　pursuit　of　fleeing　slaves　since　their　increase　in　value。　　He　rested　his　case　on　the　close　resemblance　of　the　letter　of　the　new　law　to　that　of　the　old。　　He　told　them　that　the　duty　of　returning　fugitive　slaves　was　created　not　by　THIS　law；　but　by　the　Constitution；　and　that　the　real　question　was　not　as　to　the　existence　of　the　duty；　but　which　law　performed　it　most　justly　and　efficiently。

A　listener　asked　him　whether　the　Constitution　was　not　in　violation　of　the　will　of　God。　　He　warned　them　of　the　danger　of　that　objection；　arising　from　the　difficulty　of　authentically　ascertaining　the　will　of　God。　　It　was　not　practicable　to　allow　each　citizen　to　determine　it　for　himself。　　Hence；　certain　fundamental　principles　had　been　established　as　a　Constitution；　which　must　be　assumed　to　be　in　harmony　with　it　and　from　which　no　appeal　lay。　　The　Constitution　provided　for　the　return　of　fugitive　slaves。　　The　sacred　duty　of　citizenship　bound　them　to　support　it。　　Appeals　to　a　higher　law　were　impracticable　and　a　mere　evasion　of　duty。

Read　in　a　the　calmer　light　of　after　years　the　effectiveness　of　this　speech　is　hard　to　understand。　　The　literal　difference　between　the　recent　act　and　the　law　of　1793；　was　not　great。　　But　the　difference　between　the　ethical　views　of　slavery　held　by　the　people　in　1850　and　those　held　in　1793　was　not　to　be　measured。　　The　changes　in　the　law　were　vicious　and　in　the　opposite　direction　from　the　radical　changes　in　popular　sentiment。　　The　specially　odious　provision　of　the　new　law；　distinguishing　it　from　general　extradition　statutes；　was　that　forbidding　resort　to　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　by　the　alleged　fugitive　at　the　place　where　seized。　　The　fugitive　from　justice　in　California　seized　in　Chicago　could；　on　writ　of　habeas　corpus　issued　by　an　Illinois　court；　have　it　judicially　determined　before　his　deportation　whether　the　facts　charged　against　him　constituted　a　crime　and　whether　thee　was　probable　cause　to　believe　that　he　had　committed　it。

Under　the　new　law　the　Federal　Commissioner　of　the　State　where　the　arrest　was　made　had　no　power　to　inquire　into　the　truth　or　sufficiency　of　the　charge。　　He　could　only　determine　whether　the　person　arrested　was　probably　the　one　who　had　committed　the　escape；　and　must　decline　to　hear　the　testimony　of　the　fugitive　himself。　　The　fact　of　escape　was　judicially　determined　in　advance；　ex　parte；　in　the　State　from　which　it　had　been　made；　and　the　alleged　fugitive　was　remanded　to　that　State　for　such　further　proceedings　as　its　laws　might　provide　and　〃no　process　issued　by　any　Court；　Judge；　Magistrate　or　other　person　whomsoever〃　could　molest　the　captor　in　bearing　away　his　prize。

The　speech　was　adroit；　clever　and　marvelously　effective。　　It　strikingly　illustrates　the　mental　habits　of　the　times。　　It　sought　to　stem　an　irresistible　moral　current　with　ingenious　plausibilities　and　appeals　to　precedent。　　It　treated　the　question　as　one　of　political　expediency。　　It　sounded　no　moral　depths；　discussed　no　ethical　problem；　though　the　country　was　aflame　with　moral　indignation　and　rising　passionately　against　the　ethics　of　the　past。　　It　mastered　the　audience　by　its　fidelity　to　literal　truth　and　sent　them　home　dazed；　troubled；　doubtful　and　ashamed。　　At　the　close　of　the　speech　resolutions　affirming　the　duty　of　Congress　to　pass　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law　and　that　of　citizens　to　obey　and　support　it；　and　repudiating　those　of　the　Common　Council；　were　presented　and　unanimously　adopted　by　the　subdued　and　humbled　crowd。　　On　the　following　night　the　Council　repealed　their　offensive　resolutions。

Meanwhile　the　country　was　enjoying　the　fruits　of　the　Compromise　and　striving　to　persuade　itself　that　it　would　endure。　　The　people　earnestly　desired　to　believe　that　the　slavery　question　was　settled　forever。　　So　strong　was　the　wish　to　be　done　with　it　that；　but　for　the　restless　ambition　of　the　politicians；　the　truce　might　have　been　protracted　for　many　years。　　Permanent　peace　on　the　preposterous　condition　of　maintaining　on　equipoise　between　active；　aggressive　and　hostile　forces　was；　of　course；　impossible。　　but　it　was　confidently　expected。　　Clay；　Stephens　and　fifty…two　other　Members　of　the　Senate　and　House　issued　a　manifesto　in　January；　1851；　in　which　they　announced　that　the　Compromise　was　final　and；　to　give　their　manifesto　the　highest　solemnity；　gravely　declared　that　they　would　not　support　anyone　for　office　who　was　not　in　favor　of　faithfully　upholding　it。　In　the　North　approval　for　the　Compromise　was　general　and　enthusiastic。　It　was　hoped　that　money…making　would　no　longer　be　disturbed　by　fanatical　agitation　of　moral　questions。

And　yet　there　were　murmurs　of　anger　against　the　detested　law。　　It　was　hard　to　compel　the　descendents　of　the　Puritans　to　hunt　down　the　fleeing　slaves　when　they　believed　that　the　curse　of　God　rested　on　the　institution　and　that　the　rights　of　the　fugitive　were　as　sacred　as　those　of　his　pursuers。　　There　were　outbreaks　of　defiance；　violent　rescues；　occasional　riots。　　But　resistance　was　sporadic。　　The　people　were　disposed　to　wash　their　hands　of　all　responsibility　for　the　law；　to　deprecate　its　existence；　but；　since　it　had　been　pronounced　a　final　Compromise；　to　pray　that　it　might　prove　so。　　In　the　South　the　general　opinion　was　that　the　danger　was　past　and　that　years　of　peace　were　in　prospect。　　Enthusiastic　meetings　approving　the　compromise　were　held　everywhere　outside　of　South　Carolina　and　Mississippi。

While　the　entire　moral　victory　of　the　Compromise　rested　with　the　people　of　the　South；　they　had　won　nothing　substantial　but　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law；　which　was　of　questionable　value。　　The　great　object　for　which　they　had　conspired；　sinned　and　fought　had　slipped　from　their　grasp。　　California　was　a　free　State。　　New　Mexico　with　indecent　haste　had　called　a　Convention；　adopted　a　Constitution　prohibiting　slavery；　and　now　demanded　admission。

The　Compromise；　however；　bade　fair　to　endure。　　Fillmore　in　his　annual　message　in　December　said；　with　perfect　truth；　that　a　great　majority　of　the　people　sympathized　in　its　spirit　and　purpose　and　were　prepared　in　all　respects　to　sustain　it。　　In　Congress　an　optimistic　feeling　prevailed。　　Clay　complacently　congratulated　the　country　on　the　general　acquiescence　in　the　law　and　said　that　it　had　encountered　but　little　resistance　outside　of　Boston。　　Douglas　assured　the　Senate　that　Illinois　in　good　faith　discharged　its　duty　under　the　late　Act。　　It　was　flanked　on　the　east　and　west　by　the　slave　States　of　Kentucky　and　Missouri。　　It　did　not　intend　to　become　a　free　negro　colony　by　offering　refuge　to　the　fleeing　slaves　of　neighboring　States　and；　not　relying　on　the　action　of　the　Federal　Government　alone　for　protection；　had　enacted　severe　laws　of　its　own　to　prevent　it。　　When　a　Judge　in　that　State　he　had　imposed　heavy　penalties　on　citizens　convicted　of　the　offense　of　harboring　fugitives　from　service。　　It　was　the　duty　of　all　citizens　to　sustain　and　execute　the　law；　a　duty　imposed　by　patriotism　and　loyalty　to　the　　Constitution。　But　there　was　an　organization　in　the　North　to　evade　and　resist　the　law；　with　men　of　talent；　genius；　energy；　daring　and　desperate　purpose　at　its　head。　　It　was　a　conspiracy　against　the　Government；　and　men　occupying　seats　in　the　Senate　were　responsible　for　the　outrages　the　Boston　mob　perpetrated　in　resistance　of　the　law。　　The　Abolitionists　were　arming　negroes　in　the　free　States　and　inciting　them　to　murder　anyone　who　attempted　to　seize　them　under　the　provisions　of　the　law。

Already　he　aspired　to　the　Presidency　and　began　to　jealously　guard　his　reputation　against　the　sinister　suspicions　which　in　those　days　haunted　the　ambitious　statesman。　　The　great　problem　which　then　taxed　the　ingenuity　of　the　aspiring　politician　was；　how　to　win　the　South　without　alienating　the　North；　or　how　to　hold　the　North　without　losing　the　South。　　Irreconcilable　differences　of　opinion　on　fundamental　questions；　deepening　ominously　into　passionate　hostility　of　sentiment；　were　already　manifesting　themselves。　　The　task　of　the　politician　was　to　steer　his　dangerous　course　between　this　Scylla　and　Charybdis。　If　he　gave　color　to　the　suspicion　that　he　even　tolerated　the　growing　anti…slavery　sentiment　of　the　North；　the　South　would　reject　him　with　horror。　　If　he　espoused　too　warmly　the　cause　that　had　become　so　dear　to　the　heart　of　the　South；　the　North；　goaded　by　its　over…sensitive　conscience；　would　spurn　him　with　disgust。　　In　the　existing　state　of　party　organization　the　highest　success　was　not　possible　without　at　least　partial　reconciliation　of　these　irreconcilable　forces。　　Northern　statesmen　could　not　hope　to　succeed　by　brave　appeals　to　the　passions　and　prejudices　of　the　South；　for　they　would　lose　their　home