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will　do　more　good　than　his　condemnation　would　have　done。　　Against

Burr；　personally；　I　never　had　one　hostile　sentiment。　　I　never　indeed

thought　him　an　honest；　frank…dealing　man；　but　considered　him　as　a

crooked　gun；　or　other　perverted　machine；　whose　aim　or　stroke　you

could　never　be　sure　of。　　Still；　while　he　possessed　the　confidence　of

the　nation；　I　thought　it　my　duty　to　respect　in　him　their　confidence；

&　to　treat　him　as　if　he　deserved　it；　and　if　this　punishment　can　be

commuted　now　for　any　useful　amendment　of　the　Constitution；　I　shall

rejoice　in　it。　　My　sheet　being　full；　I　perceive　it　is　high　time　to

offer　you　my　friendly　salutations；　and　assure　you　of　my　constant　and

affectionate　esteem　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　HISTORY；　HUME；　AND　THE　PRESS




　　　　　　　　_To　John　Norvell_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　June　14；　1807_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　Your　letter　of　May　9　has　been　duly　received。　　The

subject　it　proposes　would　require　time　&　space　for　even　moderate

development。　　My　occupations　limit　me　to　a　very　short　notice　of　them。

I　think　there　does　not　exist　a　good　elementary　work　on　the

organization　of　society　into　civil　government：　I　mean　a　work　which

presents　in　one　full　&　comprehensive　view　the　system　of　principles　on

which　such　an　organization　should　be　founded；　according　to　the　rights

of　nature。　　For　want　of　a　single　work　of　that　character；　I　should

recommend　Locke　on　Government；　Sidney；　Priestley's　Essay　on　the　first

Principles　of　Government；　Chipman's　Principles　of　Government；　&　the

Federalist。　　Adding；　perhaps；　Beccaria　on　crimes　&　punishments；

because　of　the　demonstrative　manner　in　which　he　has　treated　that

branch　of　the　subject。　　If　your　views　of　political　inquiry　go

further；　to　the　subjects　of　money　&　commerce；　Smith's　Wealth　of

Nations　is　the　best　book　to　be　read；　unless　Say's　Political　Economy

can　be　had；　which　treats　the　same　subject　on　the　same　principles；　but

in　a　shorter　compass　&　more　lucid　manner。　　But　I　believe　this　work

has　not　been　translated　into　our　language。




　　　　　　　　History；　in　general；　only　informs　us　what　bad　government　is。

But　as　we　have　employed　some　of　the　best　materials　of　the　British

constitution　in　the　construction　of　our　own　government；　a　knolege　of

British　history　becomes　useful　to　the　American　politician。　　There　is；

however；　no　general　history　of　that　country　which　can　be　recommended。

The　elegant　one　of　Hume　seems　intended　to　disguise　&　discredit　the

good　principles　of　the　government；　and　is　so　plausible　&　pleasing　in

it's　style　&　manner；　as　to　instil　it's　errors　&　heresies　insensibly

into　the　minds　of　unwary　readers。　　Baxter　has　performed　a　good

operation　on　it。　　He　has　taken　the　text　of　Hume　as　his　ground　work；

abridging　it　by　the　omission　of　some　details　of　little　interest；　and

wherever　he　has　found　him　endeavoring　to　mislead；　by　either　the

suppression　of　a　truth　or　by　giving　it　a　false　coloring；　he　has

changed　the　text　to　what　it　should　be；　so　that　we　may　properly　call

it　Hume's　history　republicanised。　　He　has　moreover　continued　the

history　（but　indifferently）　from　where　Hume　left　it；　to　the　year

1800。　　The　work　is　not　popular　in　England；　because　it　is　republican；

and　but　a　few　copies　have　ever　reached　America。　　It　is　a　single　4to。

volume。　　Adding　to　this　Ludlow's　Memoirs；　Mrs。　M'Cauley's　&　Belknap's

histories；　a　sufficient　view　will　be　presented　of　the　free　principles

of　the　English　constitution。




　　　　　　　　To　your　request　of　my　opinion　of　the　manner　in　which　a

newspaper　should　be　conducted；　so　as　to　be　most　useful；　I　should

answer；　‘by　restraining　it　to　true　facts　&　sound　principles　only。'

Yet　I　fear　such　a　paper　would　find　few　subscribers。　　It　is　a

melancholy　truth；　that　a　suppression　of　the　press　could　not　more

compleatly　deprive　the　nation　of　it's　benefits；　than　is　done　by　it's

abandoned　prostitution　to　falsehood。　　Nothing　can　now　be　believed

which　is　seen　in　a　newspaper。　　Truth　itself　becomes　suspicious　by

being　put　into　that　polluted　vehicle。　　The　real　extent　of　this　state

of　misinformation　is　known　only　to　those　who　are　in　situations　to

confront　facts　within　their　knolege　with　the　lies　of　the　day。　　I

really　look　with　commiseration　over　the　great　body　of　my　fellow

citizens；　who；　reading　newspapers；　live　&　die　in　the　belief；　that

they　have　known　something　of　what　has　been　passing　in　the　world　in

their　time；　whereas　the　accounts　they　have　read　in　newspapers　are

just　as　true　a　history　of　any　other　period　of　the　world　as　of　the

present；　except　that　the　real　names　of　the　day　are　affixed　to　their

fables。　　General　facts　may　indeed　be　collected　from　them；　such　as

that　Europe　is　now　at　war；　that　Bonaparte　has　been　a　successful

warrior；　that　he　has　subjected　a　great　portion　of　Europe　to　his　will；

&c。；　&c。；　but　no　details　can　be　relied　on。　　I　will　add；　that　the　man

who　never　looks　into　a　newspaper　is　better　informed　than　he　who　reads

them；　inasmuch　as　he　who　knows　nothing　is　nearer　to　truth　than　he

whose　mind　is　filled　with　falsehoods　&　errors。　　He　who　reads　nothing

will　still　learn　the　great　facts；　and　the　details　are　all　false。




　　　　　　　　Perhaps　an　editor　might　begin　a　reformation　in　some　such　way　as

this。　　Divide　his　paper　into　4　chapters；　heading　the　1st；　Truths。

2d；　Probabilities。　　3d；　Possibilities。　　4th；　Lies。　　The　first　chapter

would　be　very　short；　as　it　would　contain　little　more　than　authentic

papers；　and　information　from　such　sources；　as　the　editor　would　be

willing　to　risk　his　own　reputation　for　their　truth。　　The　2d　would

contain　what；　from　a　mature　consideration　of　all　circumstances；　his

judgment　should　conclude　to　be　probably　true。　　This；　however；　should

rather　contain　too　little　than　too　much。　　The　3d　&　4th　should　be

professedly　for　those　readers　who　would　rather　have　lies　for　their

money　than　the　blank　paper　they　would　occupy。




　　　　　　　　Such　an　editor　too；　would　have　to　set　his　face　against　the

demoralising　practice　of　feeding　the　public　mind　habitually　on

slander；　&　the　depravity　of　taste　which　this　nauseous　aliment

induces。　　Defamation　is　becoming　a　necessary　of　life；　insomuch；　that

a　dish　of　tea　in　the　morning　or　evening　cannot　be　digested　without

this　stimulant。　　Even　those　who　do　not　believe　these　abominations；

still　read　them　with　complaisance　to　their　auditors；　and　instead　of

the　abhorrence　&　indignation　which　should　fill　a　virtuous　mind；

betray　a　secret　pleasure　in　the　possibility　that　some　may　believe

them；　tho　they　do　not　themselves。　　It　seems　to　escape　them；　that　it

is　not　he　who　prints；　but　he　who　pays　for　printing　a　slander；　who　is

it's　real　author。




　　　　　　　　These　thoughts　on　the　subjects　of　your　letter　are　hazarded　at

your　request。　　Repeated　instances　of　the　publication　of　what　has　not

been　intended　for　the　public　eye；　and　the　malignity　with　which

political　enemies　torture　every　sentence　from　me　into　meanings

imagined　by　their　own　wickedness　only；　justify　my　expressing　a

solicitude；　that　this　hasty　communication　may　in　nowise　be　permitted

to　find　it's　way　into　the　public　papers。　　Not　fearing　these　political

bull…dogs；　I　yet　avoid　putting　myself　in　the　way　of　being　baited　by

them；　and　do　not　wish　to　volunteer　away　that　portion　of　tranquillity；

which　a　firm　execution　of　my　duties　will　permit　me　to　enjoy。




　　　　　　　　I　tender　you　my　salutations；　and　best　wishes　for　your　success。







　　　　　　　　A　SUBPOENA　FOR　THE　PRESIDENT




　　　　　　　　_To　George　Hay_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　June　20；　1807_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Mr。　Latrobe　now　comes　on　as　a　witness　against

Burr。　　His　presence　here　is　with　great　inconvenience　dispensed　with；

as　150　workmen　require　his　constant　directions　on　various　public

works　of　pressing　importance。　　I　hope　you　will　permit　him　to　come

away　as　soon　as　possible。　　How　far　his　testimony　will　be　important　as

to　the　prisoner；　I　know　not；　but　I　am　desirous　that　those　meetings　of

Yrujo　with　Burr　and　his　principal　accomplices；　should　come　fully　out；

and　judicially；　as　they　will　establish　the　just　complaints　we　have

against　his　nation。




　　　　　　　　I　did　not　see　till　last　night　the　opinion　of　the　Judge　on　the

_subpoena　duces　tecum_　against　the　President。　　Considering　the

question　there　as　_coram　non　judice_；　I　did　not　read　his　argument

with　much　attention。　　Yet　I　saw　readily　enough；　that；　as　is　usual

where　an　opinion　is　to　be　supported；　right　or　wrong；　he　dwells　much

on　smaller　objections；　and　passes　over　those　which　are　solid。　　Laying

down　the　position　generally；　that　all　persons　owe　obedience　to

subpoenas；　he　admits　no　exception　unless　it　can　be　produced　in　his

law　books。　　But　if　the　Constitution　enjoins　on　a　particular　officer

to　be　always　engaged　in　a　particular　set　of　duties　imposed　on　him；

does　not　this　supersede　the　general　law；　subjecting　him　to　minor

duties　inconsistent　with　these？　　The　Constitution　enjoins　his

constant　agency　in　the　concerns　of　6。　millions　of　people。　　Is　the　law

paramount　to　this；　which　calls　on　him　on　behalf　of　a　single　one？　　Let

us　apply　the　Judge's　own　doctrine　to　the　case　of　himself　&　his

brethren。　　The　sheriff　of　Henrico　summons　him　from　the　bench；　to

quell　a　riot　somewhere　in　his　county。　　The　federal　judge　is；　by　the

general　law；　a　part　of　the　_posse_　of　the　State　sheriff。　　Would　the

Judge　abandon　major　duties　to　perform　lesser　ones？　　Again；　the　court

of　Orleans　or　Maine　commands；　by　subpoenas；　the　attendance　of　all　the

judges　of　the　Supreme　Court。　　Would　they　abandon　their　posts　as

judges；　and　the　interests　of　millions　committed　to　them；　to　serve　the

purposes　of　a　single　individual？　　The　leading　principle　of　our

Constitution　is　the　independence　of　the　Legislature；　executive　and

judiciary　of　each　other；　and　none　are　more　jealous　of　this　than　the

judiciary。　　But　would　the　executive　be　independent　of　the　judiciary；

if　he　were　subject　to　the　_commands_　of　the　latter；　&　to　imprisonment

for　disobedience；　if　the　several　courts　could　bandy　him　from　pillar

to　post；　keep　him　constantly　tr