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ance); the persistence of evolution till it becomes revolution in languages like English or Persian which have practically ceased to be inflectional languages; and many other problems。  Into these Darwin did not enter; and they require a fuller investigation than is possible within the limits of the present paper。


XXVII。  DARWINISM AND HISTORY。

By J。B。 BURY; Litt。D。; LL。D。 Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Cambridge。

1。  Evolution; and the principles associated with the Darwinian theory; could not fail to exert a considerable influence on the studies connected with the history of civilised man。  The speculations which are known as 〃philosophy of history;〃 as well as the sciences of anthropology; ethnography; and sociology (sciences which though they stand on their own feet are for the historian auxiliary); have been deeply affected by these principles。  Historiographers; indeed; have with few exceptions made little attempt to apply them; but the growth of historical study in the nineteenth century has been determined and characterised by the same general principle which has underlain the simultaneous developments of the study of nature; namely the GENETIC idea。  The 〃historical〃 conception of nature; which has produced the history of the solar system; the story of the earth; the genealogies of telluric organisms; and has revolutionised natural science; belongs to the same order of thought as the conception of human history as a continuous; genetic; causal processa conception which has revolutionised historical research and made it scientific。  Before proceeding to consider the application of evolutional principles; it will be pertinent to notice the rise of this new view。

2。  With the Greeks and Romans history had been either a descriptive record or had been written in practical interests。  The most eminent of the ancient historians were pragmatical; that is; they regarded history as an instructress in statesmanship; or in the art of war; or in morals。  Their records reached back such a short way; their experience was so brief; that they never attained to the conception of continuous process; or realised the significance of time; and they never viewed the history of human societies as a phenomenon to be investigated for its own sake。  In the middle ages there was still less chance of the emergence of the ideas of progress and development。  Such notions were excluded by the fundamental doctrines of the dominant religion which bounded and bound men's minds。  As the course of history was held to be determined from hour to hour by the arbitrary will of an extra…cosmic person; there could be no self…contained causal development; only a dispensation imposed from without。  And as it was believed that the world was within no great distance from the end of this dispensation; there was no motive to take much interest in understanding the temporal; which was to be only temporary。

The intellectual movements of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries prepared the way for a new conception; but it did not emerge immediately。 The historians of the Renaissance period simply reverted to the ancient pragmatical view。  For Machiavelli; exactly as for Thucydides and Polybius; the use of studying history was instruction in the art of politics。  The Renaissance itself was the appearance of a new culture; different from anything that had gone before; but at the time men were not conscious of this; they saw clearly that the traditions of classical antiquity had been lost for a long period; and they were seeking to revive them; but otherwise they did not perceive that the world had moved; and that their own spirit; culture; and conditions were entirely unlike those of the thirteenth century。  It was hardly till the seventeenth century that the presence of a new age; as different from the middle ages as from the ages of Greece and Rome; was fully realised。  It was then that the triple division of ancient; medieval; and modern was first applied to the history of western civilisation。  Whatever objections may be urged against this division; which has now become almost a category of thought; it marks a most significant advance in man's view of his own past。  He has become conscious of the immense changes in civilisation which have come about slowly in the course of time; and history confronts him with a new aspect。  He has to explain how those changes have been produced; how the transformations were effected。  The appearance of this problem was almost simultaneous with the rise of rationalism; and the great historians and thinkers of the eighteenth century; such as Montesquieu; Voltaire; Gibbon; attempted to explain the movement of civilisation by purely natural causes。  These brilliant writers prepared the way for the genetic history of the following century。  But in the spirit of the Aufklarung; that eighteenth…century Enlightenment to which they belonged; they were concerned to judge all phenomena before the tribunal of reason; and the apotheosis of 〃reason〃 tended to foster a certain superior a priori attitude; which was not favourable to objective treatment and was incompatible with a 〃historical sense。〃  Moreover the traditions of pragmatical historiography had by no means disappeared。

3。  In the first quarter of the nineteenth century the meaning of genetic history was fully realised。  〃Genetic〃 perhaps is as good a word as can be found for the conception which in this century was applied to so many branches of knowledge in the spheres both of nature and of mind。  It does not commit us to the doctrine proper of evolution; nor yet to any teleological hypothesis such as is implied in 〃progress。〃  For history it meant that the present condition of the human race is simply and strictly the result of a causal series (or set of causal series)a continuous succession of changes; where each state arises causally out of the preceding; and that the business of historians is to trace this genetic process; to explain each change; and ultimately to grasp the complete development of the life of humanity。  Three influential writers; who appeared at this stage and helped to initiate a new period of research; may specially be mentioned。  Ranke in 1824 definitely repudiated the pragmatical view which ascribes to history the duties of an instructress; and with no less decision renounced the function; assumed by the historians of the Aufklarung; to judge the past; it was his business; he said; merely to show how things really happened。  Niebuhr was already working in the same spirit and did more than any other writer to establish the principle that historical transactions must be related to the ideas and conditions of their age。  Savigny about the same time founded the 〃historical school〃 of law。  He sought to show that law was not the creation of an enlightened will; but grew out of custom and was developed by a series of adaptations and rejections; thus applying the conception of evolution。  He helped to diffuse the notion that all the institutions of a society or a notion are as closely interconnected as the parts of a living organism。

4。  The conception of the history of man as a causal development meant the elevation of historical inquiry to the dignity of a science。  Just as the study of bees cannot become scientific so long as the student's interest in them is only to procure honey or to derive moral lessons from the labours of 〃the little busy bee;〃 so the history of human societies cannot become the object of pure scientific investigation so long as man estimates its value in pragmatical scales。  Nor can it become a science until it is conceived as lying entirely within a sphere in which the law of cause and effect has unreserved and unrestricted dominion。  On the other hand; once history is envisaged as a causal process; which contains within itself the explanation of the development of man from his primitive state to the point which he has reached; such a process necessarily becomes the object of scientific investigation and the interest in it is scientific curiosity。

At the same time; the instruments were sharpened and refined。  Here Wolf; a philologist with historical instinct; was a pioneer。  His 〃Prolegomena〃 to Homer (1795) announced new modes of attack。  Historical investigation was soon transformed by the elaboration of new methods。

5。  〃Progress〃 involves a judgment of value; which is not involved in the conception of history as a genetic process。  It is also an idea distinct from that of evolution。  Nevertheless it is closely related to the ideas which revolutionised history at the beginning of the last century; it swam into men's ken simultaneously; and it helped effectively to establish the notion of history as a continuous process and to emphasise the significance of time。  Passing over earlier anticipations; I may point to a 〃Discours〃 of Turgot (1750); where history is presented as a process in which 〃the total mass of the human race〃 〃marches continually though sometimes slowly to an ever increasing perfection。〃  That is a clear statement of the conception which Turgot's friend Condorcet elaborated in the famous work; published in 1795; 〃Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progres de l'esprit humain〃。  This work first treated with explicit fulness the idea to which a leading role was to fall in the ideology of the nineteenth century。  Condorcet's book reflects the triumphs of the Tiers etat; whose growing importance had also inspired Turgot; it was the political changes in the eighteenth century which led to the doctrine; emphatically formulated by Condorcet; that the masses are the most important element in the historical process。  I dwell on this because; though Condorcet had no idea of evolution; the pre…dominant importance of the masses was the assumption which made it possible to apply evolutional principles to history。  And it enabled Condorcet himself to maintain that the history of civilisation; a progress still far from being complete; was a development conditioned by general laws。

6。  The assimilation of society to an organism; which was a governing notion in the school of Savigny; and the conception of progress; combined to produce the idea of an organic development; in which the historian has to 

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