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whether　well　or　ill　founded；　cannot　be　safely　disregarded。　　We

cannot；　then；　make　them　equals。　　It　does　seem　to　me　that　systems

of　gradual　emancipation　might　be　adopted；　but　for　their　tardiness

in　this　I　will　not　undertake　to　judge　our　brethren　of　the　South。



〃When　they　remind　us　of　their　constitutional　rights；　I

acknowledge　them；　not　grudgingly；　but　fully　and　fairly；　and　I

would　give　them　any　legislation　for　the　reclaiming　of　their

fugitives；　which　should　not；　in　its　stringency；　be　more　likely　to

carry　a　free　man　into　slavery　than　Our　ordinary　criminal　laws　are

to　hang　an　innocent　one。



〃But　all　this；　to　my　judgment；　furnishes　no　more　excuse　for

permitting　slavery　to　go　into　our　own　free　territory　than　it

would　for　reviving　the　African　slave…trade　by　law。　　The　law　which

forbids　the　bringing　of　slaves　from　Africa；　and　that　which　has　so

long　forbid　the　taking　of　them　to　Nebraska；　can　hardly　be

distinguished　on　any　moral　principle；　and　the　repeal　of　the

former　could　find　quite　as　plausible　excuses　as　that　of　the

latter。〃



I　have　reason　to　know　that　Judge　Douglas　knows　that　I　said　this。

I　think　he　has　the　answer　here　to　one　of　the　questions　he　put　to

me。　　I　do　not　mean　to　allow　him　to　catechize　me　unless　he　pays

back　for　it　in　kind。　　I　will　not　answer　questions　one　after

another；　unless　he　reciprocates；　but　as　he　has　made　this　inquiry；

and　I　have　answered　it　before；　he　has　got　it　without　my　getting

anything　in　return。　　He　has　got　my　answer　on　the　Fugitive　Slave

law。



Now；　gentlemen；　I　don't　want　to　read　at　any　greater　length；　but

this　is　the　true　complexion　of　all　I　have　ever　said　in　regard　to

the　institution　of　slavery　and　the　black　race。　　This　is　the　whole

of　it；　and　anything　that　argues　me　into　his　idea　of　perfect

social　and　political　equality　with　the　negro　is　but　a　specious

and　fantastic　arrangement　of　words；　by　which　a　man　can　prove　a

horse…chestnut　to　be　a　chestnut　horse。　　I　will　say　here；　while

upon　this　subject；　that　I　have　no　purpose；　directly　or

indirectly；　to　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery　in　the

States　where　it　exists。　　I　believe　I　have　no　lawful　right　to　do

so；　and　I　have　no　inclination　to　do　so。　　I　have　no　purpose　to

introduce　political　and　social　equality　between　the　white　and　the

black　races。　　There　is　a　physical　difference　between　the　two

which；　in　my　judgment；　will　probably　forever　forbid　their　living

together　upon　the　footing　of　perfect　equality；　and　inasmuch　as　it

becomes　a　necessity　that　there　must　be　a　difference；　I；　as　well

as　Judge　Douglas；　am　in　favor　of　the　race　to　which　I　belong

having　the　superior　position。　　I　have　never　said　anything　to　the

contrary；　but　I　hold　that；　notwithstanding　all　this；　there　is　no

reason　in　the　world　why　the　negro　is　not　entitled　to　all　the

natural　rights　enumerated　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　the

right　to　life；　liberty；　and　the　pursuit　of　happiness。　　I　hold

that　he　is　as　much　entitled　to　these　as　the　white　man。　　I　agree

with　Judge　Douglas　he　is　not　my　equal　in　many　respects；　certainly

not　in　color；　perhaps　not　in　moral　or　intellectual　endowment。

But　in　the　right　to　eat　the　bread；　without　the　leave　of　anybody

else；　which　his　own　hand　earns；　he　is　my　equal；　and　the　equal　of

Judge　Douglas；　and　the　equal　of　every　living　man。



Now　I　pass　on　to　consider　one　or　two　more　of　these　little

follies。　　The　Judge　is　woefully　at　fault　about　his　early　friend

Lincoln　being　a　〃grocery…keeper。〃　　I　don't　know　as　it　would　be　a

great　sin；　if　I　had　been；　but　he　is　mistaken。　　Lincoln　never　kept

a　grocery　anywhere　in　the　world。　　It　is　true　that　Lincoln　did

work　the　latter　part　of　one　winter　in　a　little　stillhouse；　up　at

the　head　of　a　hollow。　　And　so　I　think　my　friend　the　Judge　is

equally　at　fault　when　he　charges　me　at　the　time　when　I　was　in

Congress　of　having　opposed　our　soldiers　who　were　fighting　in　the

Mexican　war。　　The　Judge　did　not　make　his　charge　very　distinctly；

but　I　can　tell　you　what　he　can　prove；　by　referring　to　the　record。

You　remember　I　was　an　old　Whig；　and　whenever　the　Democratic　party

tried　to　get　me　to　vote　that　the　war　had　been　righteously　begun

by　the　President；　I　would　not　do　it。　　But　whenever　they　asked　for

any　money；　or　landwarrants；　or　anything　to　pay　the　soldiers

there；　during　all　that　time；　I　gave　the　same　vote　that　Judge

Douglas　did。　　You　can　think　as　you　please　as　to　whether　that　was

consistent。　　Such　is　the　truth；　and　the　Judge　has　the　right　to

make　all　he　can　out　of　it。　　But　when　he；　by　a　general　charge；

conveys　the　idea　that　I　withheld　supplies　from　the　soldiers　who

were　fighting　in　the　Mexican　war；　or　did　anything　else　to　hinder

the　soldiers；　he　is；　to　say　the　least；　grossly　and　altogether

mistaken；　as　a　consultation　of　the　records　will　prove　to　him。



As　I　have　not　used　up　so　much　of　my　time　as　I　had　supposed；　I

will　dwell　a　little　longer　upon　one　or　two　of　these　minor　topics

upon　which　the　Judge　has　spoken。　　He　has　read　from　my　speech　in

Springfield；　in　which　I　say　that　〃a　house　divided　against　itself

cannot　stand〃　Does　the　Judge　say　it　can　stand？　　I　don't　know

whether　he　does　or　not。　　The　Judge　does　not　seem　to　be　attending

to　me　just　now；　but　I　would　like　to　know　if　it　is　his　opinion

that　a　house　divided　against　itself　can　stand。　　If　he　does；　then

there　is　a　question　of　veracity；　not　between　him　and　me；　but

between　the　Judge　and　an　Authority　of　a　somewhat　higher

character。



Now；　my　friends；　I　ask　your　attention　to　this　matter　for　the

purpose　of　saying　something　seriously。　　I　know　that　the　Judge　may

readily　enough　agree　with　me　that　the　maxim　which　was　put　forth

by　the　Savior　is　true；　but　he　may　allege　that　I　misapply　it；　and

the　Judge　has　a　right　to　urge　that；　in　my　application；　I　do

misapply　it；　and　then　I　have　a　right　to　show　that　I　do　not

misapply　it；　When　he　undertakes　to　say　that　because　I　think　this

nation；　so　far　as　the　question　of　slavery　is　concerned；　will　all

become　one　thing　or　all　the　other；　I　am　in　favor　of　bringing

about　a　dead　uniformity　in　the　various　States；　in　all　their

institutions；　he　argues　erroneously。　　The　great　variety　of　the

local　institutions　in　the　States；　springing　from　differences　in

the　soil；　differences　in　the　face　of　the　country；　and　in　the

climate；　are　bonds　of　Union。　　They　do　not　make　〃a　house　divided

against　itself；〃　but　they　make　a　house　united。　　If　they　produce

in　one　section　of　the　country　what　is　called　for；　by　the　wants　of

another　section；　and　this　other　section　can　supply　the　wants　of

the　first；　they　are　not　matters　of　discord；　but　bonds　of　union；

true　bonds　of　union。　　But　can　this　question　of　slavery　be

considered　as　among　these　varieties　in　the　institutions　of　the

country？　　I　leave　it　to　you　to　say　whether；　in　the　history　of　our

government；　this　institution　of　slavery　has　not　always　failed　to

be　a　bond　of　union；　and；　on　the　contrary；　been　an　apple　of

discord　and　an　element　of　division　in　the　house。　　I　ask　you　to

consider　whether；　so　long　as　the　moral　constitution　of　men's

minds　shall　continue　to　be　the　same；　after　this　generation　and

assemblage　shall　sink　into　the　grave；　and　another　race　shall

arise；　with　the　same　moral　and　intellectual　development　we　have；

whether；　if　that　institution　is　standing　in　the　same　irritating

position　in　which　it　now　is；　it　will　not　continue　an　element　of

division？　　If　so；　then　I　have　a　right　to　say　that；　in　regard　to

this　question；　the　Union　is　a　house　divided　against　itself；　and

when　the　Judge　reminds　me　that　I　have　often　said　to　him　that　the

institution　of　slavery　has　existed　for　eighty　years　in　some

States；　and　yet　it　does　not　exist　in　some　others；　I　agree　to　the

fact；　and　I　account　for　it　by　looking　at　the　position　in　which

our　fathers　originally　placed　itrestricting　it　from　the　new

Territories　where　it　had　not　gone；　and　legislating　to　cut　off　its

source　by　the　abrogation　of　the　slave　trade；　thus　putting　the

seal　of　legislation　against　its　spread。　　The　public　mind　did　rest

in　the　belief　that　it　was　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction。

But　lately；　I　thinkand　in　this　I　charge　nothing　on　the　Judge's

motiveslately；　I　think　that　he；　and　those　acting　with　him；　have

placed　that　institution　on　a　new　basis；　which　looks　to　the

perpetuity　and　nationalization　of　slavery。　　And　while　it　is

placed　upon　this　new　basis；　I　say；　and　I　have　said；　that　I

believe　we　shall　not　have　peace　upon　the　question　until　the

opponents　of　slavery　arrest　the　further　spread　of　it；　and　place

it　where　the　public　mind　shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in

the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　or；　on　the　other　hand；　that

its　advocates　will　push　it　forward　until　it　shall　become　alike

lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as　well　as　new；　North　as　well　as

South。　　Now；　I　believe　if　we　could　arrest　the　spread；　and　place

it　where　Washington　and　Jefferson　and　Madison　placed　it；　it　would

be　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　and　the　public　mind

would；　as　for　eighty　years　past；　believe　that　it　was　in　the

course　of　ultimate　extinction。　　The　crisis　would　be　past；　and　the

institution　might　be　let　alone　for　a　hundred　years；　if　it　should

live　so　long；　in　the　States　where　it　exists；　yet　it　would　be

going　out　of　existence　in　the　way　best　for　both　the　black　and　the

white　races。



＇A　voice：　〃Then　do　you　repudiate　popular　sovereignty？〃＇



Well；　then；　let　us　talk　about　popular　sovereignty！　　what　is

popular　sovereignty？　　Is　it　the　right　of　the　people　to　have

slavery　or　not　have　it；　as　they　see　fit；　in　the　Territories？　　I

will　stateand　I　have　an　able　man　to　watch　memy　understanding

is　that　popular　sovereignty；　as　now　applied　to　the　question　of

slavery；　does　allow　the　people　of　a　Territory　to　have　slavery　if

they　want　to；　but　does　not　allow　them　not　to　have　it　if　they　do

not　want　it。　　I　do　not　mean　that　if　this　vast　concourse　of　people

were　in　a　Territory　of　the　United　States；　any　one　of　them　would

be　obliged　to　have　a　slave　if　he　did　not　want　one；　but　I　do　say

th