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penetrating　the　human　soul　and　eradicating　the　light　of　reason

and　the　love　of　liberty　in　this　American　people。　　And　now　I　will

only　say　that　when；　by　all　these　means　and　appliances；　Judge

Douglas　shall　succeed　in　bringing　public　sentiment　to　an　exact

accordance　with　his　own　views；　when　these　vast　assemblages　shall

echo　back　all　these　sentiments；　when　they　shall　come　to　repeat

his　views　and　to　avow　his　principles；　and　to　say　all　that　he　says

on　these　mighty　questions；then　it　needs　only　the　formality　of

the　second　Dred　Scott　decision；　which　he　indorses　in　advance；　to

make　slavery　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as　well　as　new；

North　as　well　as　South。



My　friends；　that　ends　the　chapter。　　The　Judge　can　take　his

half…hour。









SECOND　JOINT　DEBATE；　AT　FREEPORT；



AUGUST　27；　1858



LADIES　AND　GENTLEMEN：On　Saturday　last；　Judge　Douglas　and　myself

first　met　in　public　discussion。　　He　spoke　one　hour；　I　an　hour　and

a　half；　and　he　replied　for　half　an　hour。　　The　order　is　now

reversed。　　I　am　to　speak　an　hour；　he　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　then

I　am　to　reply　for　half　an　hour。　　I　propose　to　devote　myself

during　the　first　hour　to　the　scope　of　what　was　brought　within　the

range　of　his　half…hour　speech　at　Ottawa。　　Of　course　there　was

brought　within　the　scope　in　that　half…hour's　speech　something　of

his　own　opening　speech。　　In　the　course　of　that　opening　argument

Judge　Douglas　proposed　to　me　seven　distinct　interrogatories。　　In

my　speech　of　an　hour　and　a　half；　I　attended　to　some　other　parts

of　his　speech；　and　incidentally；　as　I　thought；　intimated　to　him

that　I　would　answer　the　rest　of　his　interrogatories　on　condition

only　that　he　should　agree　to　answer　as　many　for　me。　　He　made　no

intimation　at　the　time　of　the　proposition；　nor　did　he　in　his

reply　allude　at　all　to　that　suggestion　of　mine。　　I　do　him　no

injustice　in　saying　that　he　occupied　at　least　half　of　his　reply

in　dealing　with　me　as　though　I　had　refused　to　answer　his

interrogatories。　　I　now　propose　that　I　will　answer　any　of　the

interrogatories；　upon　condition　that　he　will　answer　questions

from　me　not　exceeding　the　same　number。　　I　give　him　an　opportunity

to　respond。



The　Judge　remains　silent。　　I　now　say　that　I　will　answer　his

interrogatories；　whether　he　answers　mine　or　not；　and　that　after　I

have　done　so；　I　shall　propound　mine　to　him。



I　have　supposed　myself；　since　the　organization　of　the　Republican

party　at　Bloomington；　in　May；　1856；　bound　as　a　party　man　by　the

platforms　of　the　party；　then　and　since。　　If　in　any

interrogatories　which　I

shall　answer　I　go　beyond　the　scope　of　what　is　within　these

platforms；　it　will　be　perceived　that　no　one　is　responsible　but

myself。



Having　said　thus　much；　I　will　take　up　the　Judge's　interrogatories

as　I　find　them　printed　in　the　Chicago　Times；　and　answer　them

seriatim。　　In　order　that　there　may　be　no　mistake　about　it；　I　have

copied　the　interrogatories　in　writing；　and　also　my　answers　to

them。　　The　first　one　of　these　interrogatories　is　in　these　words：



Question　1。〃I　desire　to　know　whether　Lincoln　to…day　stands；　as

he　did　in　1854；　in　favor　of　the　unconditional　repeal　of　the

Fugitive　Slave　law？〃　　Answer：I　do　not　now；　nor　ever　did；　stand

in　favor　of　the　unconditional　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　law。



Q。　　2。〃I　desire　him　to　answer　whether　he　stands　pledged　to…day；

as　he　did　in　1854；　against　the　admission　of　any　more　slave　States

into　the　Union；　even　if　the　people　want　them？〃　　Answer：I　do　not

now；　nor　ever　did；　stand　pledged　against　the　admission　of　any

more　slave　States　into　the　Union。



Q。　　3。〃I　want　to　know　whether　he　stands　pledged　against　the

admission　of　a　new　State　into　the　Union　with　such　a　constitution

as　the　people　of　that　State　may　see　fit　to　make？〃　　Answer：I　do

not　stand　pledged　against　the　admission　of　a　new　State　into　the

Union；　with　such　a　constitution　as　the　people　of　that　State　may

see　fit　to　make。



Q。　　4。〃I　want　to　know　whether　he　stands　to…day　pledged　to　the

abolition　of　slavery　in　the　District　of　Columbia？〃　Answer：I　do

not　stand　to…day　pledged　to　the　abolition　of　slavery　in　the

District　of　Columbia。



Q。　　5。〃I　desire　him　to　answer　whether　he　stands　pledged　to　the

prohibition　of　the　slave…trade　between　the　different　States？〃

Answer：I　do　not　stand　pledged　to　the　prohibition　of　the

slave…trade　between　the　different　States。



Q。　　6。I　desire　to　know　whether　he　stands　pledged　to　prohibit

slavery　in　all　the　Territories　of　the　United　States；　north　as

well　as　south　of　the　Missouri　Compromise　line？〃　Answer：I　am

impliedly；　if　not　expressly；　pledged　to　a　belief　in　the　right　and

duty　of　Congress　to　prohibit　slavery　in　all　the　United　States

'Territories。



Q。　　7。　〃I　desire　him　to　answer　whether　he　is　opposed　to　the

acquisition　of　any　new　territory　unless　slavery　is　first

prohibited　therein？〃　　Answer：I　am　not　generally　opposed　to

honest　acquisition　of　territory；　and；　in　any　given　case；　I　would

or　would　not　oppose　such　acquisition；　accordingly　as　I　might

think　such　acquisition　would　or　would　not　aggravate　the　slavery

question　among　ourselves。



Now；　my　friends；　it　will　be　perceived；　upon　an　examination　of

these　questions　and　answers；　that　so　far　I　have　only　answered

that　I　was　not　pledged　to　this；　that；　or　the　other。　　The　Judge

has　not　framed　his　interrogatories　to　ask　me　anything　more　than

this；　and　I　have　answered　in　strict　accordance　with　the

interrogatories；　and　have　answered　truly；　that　I　am　not　pledged

at　all　upon　any　of　the　points　to　which　I　have　answered。　　But　I　am

not　disposed　to　hang　upon　the　exact　form　of　his　interrogatory。　　I

am　rather　disposed　to　take　up　at　least　some　of　these　questions；

and　state　what　I　really　think　upon　them。



As　to　the　first　one；　in　regard　to　the　Fugitive　Slave　law；　I　have

never　hesitated　to　say；　and　I　do　not　now　hesitate　to　say；　that　I

think；　under　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　the　people　of

the　Southern　States　are　entitled　to　a　Congressional　Fugitive

Slave　law。　　Having　said　that；　I　have　had　nothing　to　say　in　regard

to　the　existing　Fugitive　Slave　law；　further　than　that　I　think　it

should　have　been　framed　so　as　to　be　free　from　some　of　the

objections　that　pertain　to　it；　without　lessening　its　efficiency。

And　inasmuch　as　we　are　not　now　in　an　agitation　in　regard　to　an

alteration　or　modification　of　that　law；　I　would　not　be　the　man　to

introduce　it　as　a　new　subject　of　agitation　upon　the　general

question　of　slavery。



In　regard　to　the　other　question；　of　whether　I　am　pledged　to　the

admission　of　any　more　slave　States　into　the　Union；　I　state　to　you

very　frankly　that　I　would　be　exceedingly　sorry　ever　to　be　put　in

a　position　of　having　to　pass　upon　that　question。　　I　should　be

exceedingly　glad　to　know　that　there　would　never　be　another　slave

State　admitted　into　the　Union；　but　I　must　add　that　if　slavery

shall　be　kept　out　of　the　Territories　during　the　territorial

existence　of　any　one　given　Territory；　and　then　the　people　shall；

having　a　fair　chance　and　a　clear　field；　when　they　come　to　adopt

the　constitution；　do　such　an　extraordinary　thing　as　to　adopt　a

slave　constitution；　uninfluenced　by　the　actual　presence　of　the

institution　among　them；　I　see　no　alternative；　if　we　own　the

country；　but　to　admit　them　into　the　Union。



The　third　interrogatory　is　answered　by　the　answer　to　the　second；

it　being；　as　I　conceive；　the　same　as　the　second。



The　fourth　one　is　in　regard　to　the　abolition　of　slavery　in　the

District　of　Columbia。　　In　relation　to　that；　I　have　my　mind　very

distinctly　made　up。　　I　should　be　exceedingly　glad　to　see　slavery

abolished　in　the　District　of　Columbia。　　I　believe　that　Congress

possesses　the　constitutional　power　to　abolish　it。　　Yet　as　a

member　of　Congress；　I　should　not；　with　my　present　views；　be　in

favor　of　endeavoring　to　abolish　slavery　in　the　District　of

Columbia；　unless　it　would　be　upon　these　conditions：　First；　that

the　abolition　should　be　gradual；　second；　that　it　should　be　on　a

vote　of　the　majority　of　qualified　voters　in　the　District；　and

third；　that　compensation　should　be　made　to　unwilling　owners。

With　these　three　conditions；　I　confess　I　would　be　exceedingly

glad　to　see　Congress　abolish　slavery　in　the　District　of　Columbia；

and；　in　the　language　of　Henry　Clay；　〃sweep　from　our　capital　that

foul　blot　upon　our　nation。〃



In　regard　to　the　fifth　interrogatory；　I　must　say　here　that；　as　to

the　question　of　the　abolition　of　the　slave…trade　between　the

different　States；　I　can　truly　answer；　as　I　have；　that　I　am

pledged　to　nothing　about　it。　　It　is　a　subject　to　which　I　have　not

given　that　mature　consideration　that　would　make　me　feel

authorized　to　state　a　position　so　as　to　hold　myself　entirely

bound　by　it。　　In　other　words；　that　question　has　never　been

prominently　enough　before　me　to　induce　me　to　investigate　whether

we　really　have　the　constitutional　power　to　do　it。　　I　could

investigate　it　if　I　had　sufficient　time　to　bring　myself　to　a

conclusion　upon　that　subject；　but　I　have　not　done　so；　and　I　say

so　frankly　to　you　here；　and　to　Judge　Douglas。　　I　must　say；

however；　that　if　I　should　be　of　opinion　that　Congress　does

possess　the　constitutional　power　to　abolish　the　slave…trade　among

the　different　States；　I　should　still　not　be　in　favor　of　the

exercise　of　that　power；　unless　upon　some　conservative　principle

as　I　conceive　it；　akin　to　what　I　have　said　in　relation　to　the

abolition　of　slavery　in　the　District　of　Columbia。



My　answer　as　to　whether　I　desire　that　slavery　should　be

prohibited　in　all　the　Territories　of　the　United　States　is　full

and　explicit　within　itself；　and　cannot　be　made　clearer　by　any

comments　of　mine。　　So　I　suppose　in　regard　to　the　question　whether

I　am　opposed　to　the　acquisition　of　any　more　territory　unless

slavery　is　first　prohibited　therein；　my　answer　is　such　that　I

could　add　nothing　by　way　of　illustration；　or　making　myself　better

understood；　than　the　answer　which　I　have　placed　in　writing。



Now　in　all　this　the　Judge　h