the psychology of revolution-第23部分

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function　increased　very　rapidly　in　the　thoughts　of　the　more

enlightened；　in　proportion　as　tradition　seemed　more　and　more　to

be　distrusted。



The　sovereign　power　attributed　to　reason　must　be　regarded　as　the

culminating　idea　which　not　only　engendered　the　Revolution　but

governed　it　throughout。　　During　the　whole　Revolution　men　gave

themselves　up　to　the　most　persevering　efforts　to　break　with　the

past；　and　to　erect　society　upon　a　new　plan　dictated　by　logic。



Slowly　filtering　downward；　the　rationalistic　theories　of　the

philosophers　meant　to　the　people　simply　that　all　the　things　which

had　been　regarded　as　worthy　of　respect　were　now　no　longer　worthy。



Men　being　declared　equal；　the　old　masters　need　no　longer　be

obeyed。



The　multitude　easily　succeeded　in　ceasing　to　respect　what　the

upper　classes　themselves　no　longer　respected。　　When　the　barrier

of　respect　was　down　the　Revolution　was　accomplished。



The　first　result　of　this　new　mentality　was　a　general

insubordination。　　Mme。　Vigee　Lebrun　relates　that　on　the

promenade　at　Longchamps　men　of　the　people　leaped　on　the

footboards　of　the　carriages；　saying；　‘‘Next　year　you　will　be

behind　and　we　shall　be　inside。''



The　populace　was　not　alone　in　manifesting　insubordination　and

discontent。　　These　sentiments　were　general　on　the　eve　of　the

Revolution。　　‘‘The　lesser　clergy；''　says　Taine；　‘‘are　hostile　to

the　prelates；　the　provincial　gentry　to　the　nobility　of　the　court；

the　vassals　to　the　seigneurs；　the　peasants　to　the　townsmen；''　&c。



This　state　of　mind；　which　had　been　communicated　from　the　nobles

and　clergy　to　the　people；　also　invaded　the　army。　　At　the　moment

the　States　General　were　opened　Necker　said：　　‘‘We　are　not　sure　of

the　troops。''　　The　officers　were　becoming　humanitarian　and

philosophical。　　The　soldiers；　recruited　from　the　lowest　class　of

the　population；　did　not　philosophise；　but　they　no　longer　obeyed。



In　their　feeble　minds　the　ideas　of　equality　meant　simply　the

suppression　of　all　leaders　and　masters；　and　therefore　of　all

obedience。　　In　1790　more　than　twenty　regiments　threatened　their

officers；　and　sometimes；　as　at　Nancy；　threw　them　into　prison。



The　mental　anarchy　which；　after　spreading　through　all　the　classes

of　society；　finally　invaded　the　army　was　the　principal　cause　of

the　disappearance　of　the　ancien　regime。　　‘‘It　was　the

defection　of　the　army　affected　by　the　ideas　of　the　Third

Estate；''　wrote　Rivarol；　‘‘that　destroyed　royalty。''





2。　　The　supposed　Influence　of　the　Philosophers　of　the　Eighteenth

Century　upon　the　Genesis　of　the　RevolutionTheir　dislike　of

Democracy。





Although　the　philosophers　who　have　been　supposed　the　inspirers　of

the　French　Revolution　did　attack　certain　privileges　and

abuses；　we　must　not　for　that　reason　regard　them　as　partisans　of

popular　government。　　Democracy；　whose　role　in　Greek　history

was　familiar　to　them；　was　generally　highly　antipathetic　to　them。　

They　were　not　ignorant　of　the　destruction　and　violence　which　are

its　invariable　accompaniments；　and　knew　that　in　the　time　of

Aristotle　it　was　already　defined　as　‘‘a　State　in　which

everything；　even　the　law；　depends　on　the　multitude　set　up　as　a

tyrant　and　governed　by　a　few　declamatory　speakers。''



Pierre　Bayle；　the　true　forerunner　of　Voltaire；　recalled　in　the

following　terms　the　consequences　of　popular　government　in

Athens：



‘‘If　one　considers　this　history；　which　displays　at　great　length

the　tumult　of　the　assemblies；　the　factions　dividing　the　city；　the

seditious　disturbing　it；　the　most　illustrious　subjects

persecuted；　exiled；　and　punished　by　death　at　the　will　of　a

violent　windbag；　one　would　conclude　that　this　people；　which　so

prided　itself　on　its　liberty；　was　really　the　slave　of　a　small

number　of　caballers；　whom　they　called　demagogues；　and　who　made　it

turn　now　in　this　direction；　now　in　that；　as　their　passions

changed；　almost　as　the　sea　heaps　the　waves　now　one　way；　now

another；　according　to　the　winds　which　trouble　it。　　You　will　seek

in　vain　in　Macedonia；　which　was　a　monarchy；　for　as　many　examples

of　tyranny　as　Athenian　history　will　afford。''



Montesquieu　had　no　greater　admiration　for　the　democracy。　　Having

described　the　three　forms　of　governmentrepublican；　monarchical；

and　despotiche　shows　very　clearly　what　popular　government　may

lead　to：



‘‘Men　were　free　with　laws；　men　would　fain　be　free　without

them；　what　was　a　maxim　is　called　severity；　what　was　order　is

called　hindrance。　　Formerly　the　welfare　of　individuals

constituted　the　public　wealth；　but　now　the　public　wealth　becomes

the　patrimony　of　individuals。　　The　republic　is　spoil；　and　its

strength　is　merely　the　power　of　a　few　citizens　and　the　licence　of

all。''



‘‘。　。　。　Little　petty　tyrants　spring　up　who　have　all　the　vices　of

a　single　tyrant。　　Very　soon　what　is　left　of　liberty　becomes

untenable；　a　single　tyrant　arises；　and　the　people　loses　all；　even

the　advantages　of　corruption。



‘‘Democracy　has　therefore　two　extremes　to　avoid；　the　extreme　of

the　spirit　of　equality　leads　to　the　despotism　of　a　single　person；

as　the　despotism　of　a　single　person　leads　to　conquest。''



The　ideal　of　Montesquieu　was　the　English　constitutional

government；　which　prevented　the　monarchy　from　degenerating　into

despotism。　　Otherwise　the　influence　of　this　philosopher　at　the

moment　of　the　Revolution　was　very　slight。



As　for　the　Encyclopaedists；　to　whom　such　a　considerable

role　is　attributed；　they　hardly　dealt　with　politics；

excepting　d'Holbach；　a　liberal　monarchist　like　Voltaire　and

Diderot。　　They　wrote　chiefly　in　defence　of　individual　liberty；

opposing　the　encroachments　of　the　Church；　at　that　time　extremely

intolerant　and　inimical　to　philosophers。　　Being　neither

Socialists　nor　democrats；　the　Revolution　could　not　utilise　any　of

their　principles。



Voltaire　himself　was　by　no　means　a　partisan　of　democracy。



‘‘Democracy；''　he　said；　‘‘seems　only　to　suit　a　very　small

country；　and　even　then　it　must　be　fortunately　situated。　

Little　as　it　may　be；　it　will　make　many　mistakes；　because　it　will

be　composed　of　men。　　Discord　will　prevail　there　as　in　a　convent

full　of　monks；　but　there　will　be　no　St。　Bartholomew's　day；　no

Irish　massacres；　no　Sicilian　Vespers；　no　Inquisition；　no

condemnation　to　the　galleys　for　having　taken　water　from　the　sea

without　paying　for　it；　unless　we　suppose　this　republic　to　be

composed　of　devils　in　a　corner　of　hell。''



All　these　men　who　are　supposed　to　have　inspired　the　Revolution

had　opinions　which　were　far　from　subversive；　and　it　is　really

difficult　to　see　that　they　had　any　real　influence　on　the

development　of　the　revolutionary　movement。　　Rousseau　was　one　of

the　very　few　democratic　philosophers　of　his　age；　which　is　why　his

Contrat　Social　became　the　Bible　of　the　men　of　the　Terror。　　It

seemed　to　furnish　the　rational　justification　necessary　to　excuse

the　acts　deriving　from　unconscious　mystic　and　affective　impulses

which　no　philosophy　had　inspired。



To　be　quite　truthful；　the　democratic　instincts　of　Rousseau　were

by　no　means　above　suspicion。　　He　himself　considered　that　his

projects　for　social　reorganisation；　based　upon　popular

sovereignty；　could　be　applied　only　to　a　very　small　State；　and

when　the　Poles　asked　him　for　a　draft　democratic　Constitution　he

advised　them　to　choose　a　hereditary　monarch。



Among　the　theories　of　Rousseau　that　relating　to　the　perfection　of

the　primitive　social　state　had　a　great　success。　　He　asserted；

together　with　various　writers　of　his　time；　that　primitive　mankind

was　perfect；　it　was　corrupted　only　by　society。　　By　modifying

society　by　means　of　good　laws　one　might　bring　back　the

happiness　of　the　early　world。　　Ignorant　of　all　psychology；　he

believed　that　men　were　the　same　throughout　time　and　space　and

that　they　could　all　be　ruled　by　the　same　laws　and　institutions。　

This　was　then　the　general　belief。　　‘‘The　vices　and　virtues　of　the

people；''　wrote　Helvetius；　‘‘are　always　a　necessary　effect　of　its

legislation。　。　。　。　　How　can　we　doubt　that　virtue　is　in　the　case

of　all　peoples　the　result　of　the　wisdom；　more　or　less　perfect；　of

the　administration？''



There　could　be　no　greater　mistake。





3。　　The　Philosophical　Ideas　of　the　Bourgeoisie　at　the　Time　of

the　Revolution。





It　is　by　no　means　easy　to　say　just　what　were　the　social　and

political　conceptions　of　a　Frenchman　of　the　middle　classes　at　the

moment　of　the　Revolution。　　They　might　be　reduced　to　a　few

formulae　concerning　fraternity；　equality；　and　popular

government；　summed　up　in　the　celebrated　Declaration　of　the　Rights

of　Man；　of　which　we　shall　have　occasion　to　quote　a　few　passages。



The　philosophers　of　the　eighteenth　century　do　not　seem　to　have

been　very　highly　rated　by　the　men　of　the　Revolution。　　Rarely　are

they　quoted　in　the　speeches　of　the　time。　　Hypnotised　by　their

classical　memories　of　Greece　and　Rome；　the　new　legislators　re…

read　their　Plato　and　their　Plutarch。　　They　wished　to　revive　the

constitution　of　Sparta；　with　its　manners；　its　frugal　habits；　and

its　laws。



Lycurgus；　Solon；　Miltiades；　Manlius　Torquatus；　Brutus；　Mucius

Scaevola；　even　the　fabulous　Minos　himself；　became　as　familiar

in　the　tribune　as　in　the　theatre；　and　the　public　went　crazy　over

them。　　The　shades　of　the　heroes　of　antiquity　hovered　over

the　revolutionary　assemblies。　　Posterity　alone　has　replaced　them

by　the　shades　of　the　philosophers　of　the　eighteenth　century。



We　shall　see　that　in　reality　the　men　of　this　period；　generally

represented　as　bold　innovators　guided　by　subtle　philosophers；

professed　to　effect　no　innovations　whatever；　but　to　return　to　a

past　long　buried　in　the　mists　of　history；　and　which；　moreover；

they　scarcely　ever　in　the　least　understood。



The　more　reasonable；　who　did　not　go　so　far　back　for　their　models；

aimed　merely　at　adopting　the　English　constitutional　system；　of

which　Montesquieu　and　Voltaire　had　sung　the　praises；　and　which

all　nations　were　finally　to　imitate　without　violent　crises