thoughts on the present discontents-第8部分

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Administration　is　gone；　everything　is　lost；　Parliament　and　all。　　We
may　assure　ourselves；　that　if　Parliament　will　tamely　see　evil　men
take　possession　of　all　the　strongholds　of　their　country；　and　allow
them　time　and　means　to　fortify　themselves；　under　a　pretence　of
giving　them　a　fair　trial；　and　upon　a　hope　of　discovering；　whether
they　will　not　be　reformed　by　power；　and　whether　their　measures　will
not　be　better　than　their　morals；　such　a　Parliament　will　give
countenance　to　their　measures　also；　whatever　that　Parliament　may
pretend；　and　whatever　those　measures　may　be。

Every　good　political　institution　must　have　a　preventive　operation　as
well　as　a　remedial。　　It　ought　to　have　a　natural　tendency　to　exclude
bad　men　from　Government；　and　not　to　trust　for　the　safety　of　the
State　to　subsequent　punishment　alonepunishment　which　has　ever　been
tardy　and　uncertain；　and　which；　when　power　is　suffered　in　bad　hands；
may　chance　to　fall　rather　on　the　injured　than　the　criminal。

Before　men　are　put　forward　into　the　great　trusts　of　the　State；　they
ought　by　their　conduct　to　have　obtained　such　a　degree　of　estimation
in　their　country　as　may　be　some　sort　of　pledge　and　security　to　the
public　that　they　will　not　abuse　those　trusts。　　It　is　no　mean
security　for　a　proper　use　of　power；　that　a　man　has　shown　by　the
general　tenor　of　his　actions；　that　the　affection；　the　good　opinion；
the　confidence　of　his　fellow…citizens　have　been　among　the　principal
objects　of　his　life；　and　that　he　has　owed　none　of　the　gradations　of
his　power　or　fortune　to　a　settled　contempt　or　occasional　forfeiture
of　their　esteem。

That　man　who；　before　he　comes　into　power；　has　no　friends；　or　who；
coming　into　power；　is　obliged　to　desert　his　friends；　or　who；　losing
it；　has　no　friends　to　sympathise　with　him；　he　who　has　no　sway　among
any　part　of　the　landed　or　commercial　interest；　but　whose　whole
importance　has　begun　with　his　office；　and　is　sure　to　end　with　it；　is
a　person　who　ought　never　to　be　suffered　by　a　controlling　Parliament；
to　continue　in　any　of　those　situations　which　confer　the　lead　and
direction　of　all　our　public　affairs；　because　such　a　man　HAS　NO
CONNECTION　WITH　THE　SENTIMENTS　AND　OPINIONS　OF　THE　PEOPLE。

Those　knots　or　cabals　of　men　who　have　got　together；　avowedly　without
any　public　principle；　in　order　to　sell　their　conjunct　iniquity　at
the　higher　rate；　and　are　therefore　universally　odious；　ought　never
to　be　suffered　to　domineer　in　the　State；　because　they　have　NO
CONNECTION　WITH　THE　SENTIMENTS　AND　OPINIONS　OF　THE　PEOPLE。

These　are　considerations　which；　in　my　opinion；　enforce　the　necessity
of　having　some　better　reason；　in　a　free　country　and　a　free
Parliament；　for　supporting　the　Ministers　of　the　Crown；　than　that
short　one；　THAT　THE　KING　HAS　THOUGHT　PROPER　TO　APPOINT　THEM。　　There
is　something　very　courtly　in　this。　　But　it　is　a　principle　pregnant
with　all　sorts　of　mischief；　in　a　constitution　like　ours；　to　turn　the
views　of　active　men　from　the　country　to　the　Court。　　Whatever　be　the
road　to　power；　that　is　the　road　which　will　be　trod。　　If　the　opinion
of　the　country　be　of　no　use　as　a　means　of　power　or　consideration；
the　qualities　which　usually　procure　that　opinion　will　be　no　longer
cultivated。　　And　whether　it　will　be　right；　in　a　State　so　popular　in
its　constitution　as　ours；　to　leave　ambition　without　popular　motives；
and　to　trust　all　to　the　operation　of　pure　virtue　in　the　minds　of
Kings　and　Ministers；　and　public　men；　must　be　submitted　to　the
judgment　and　good　sense　of　the　people　of　England。


Cunning　men　are　here　apt　to　break　in；　and；　without　directly
controverting　the　principle；　to　raise　objections　from　the　difficulty
under　which　the　Sovereign　labours　to　distinguish　the　genuine　voice
and　sentiments　of　his　people　from　the　clamour　of　a　faction；　by　which
it　is　so　easily　counterfeited。　　The　nation；　they　say；　is　generally
divided　into　parties；　with　views　and　passions　utterly
irreconcilable。　　If　the　King　should　put　his　affairs　into　the　hands
of　any　one　of　them；　he　is　sure　to　disgust　the　rest；　if　he　select
particular　men　from　among　them　all；　it　is　a　hazard　that　he　disgusts
them　all。　　Those　who　are　left　out；　however　divided　before；　will　soon
run　into　a　body　of　opposition；　which；　being　a　collection　of　many
discontents　into　one　focus；　will　without　doubt　be　hot　and　violent
enough。　　Faction　will　make　its　cries　resound　through　the　nation；　as
if　the　whole　were　in　an　uproar；　when　by　far　the　majority；　and　much
the　better　part；　will　seem　for　awhile；　as　it　were；　annihilated　by
the　quiet　in　which　their　virtue　and　moderation　incline　them　to　enjoy
the　blessings　of　Government。　　Besides　that；　the　opinion　of　the　mere
vulgar　is　a　miserable　rule　even　with　regard　to　themselves；　on
account　of　their　violence　and　instability。　　So　that　if　you　were　to
gratify　them　in　their　humour　to…day；　that　very　gratification　would
be　a　ground　of　their　dissatisfaction　on　the　next。　　Now　as　all　these
rules　of　public　opinion　are　to　be　collected　with　great　difficulty；
and　to　be　applied　with　equal　uncertainty　as　to　the　effect；　what
better　can　a　King　of　England　do　than　to　employ　such　men　as　he　finds
to　have　views　and　inclinations　most　conformable　to　his　own；　who　are
least　infected　with　pride　and　self…will；　and　who　are　least　moved　by
such　popular　humours　as　are　perpetually　traversing　his　designs；　and
disturbing　his　service；　trusting　that　when　he　means　no　ill　to　his
people　he　will　be　supported　in　his　appointments；　whether　he　chooses
to　keep　or　to　change；　as　his　private　judgment　or　his　pleasure　leads
him？　　He　will　find　a　sure　resource　in　the　real　weight　and　influence
of　the　Crown；　when　it　is　not　suffered　to　become　an　instrument　in　the
hands　of　a　faction。

I　will　not　pretend　to　say　that　there　is　nothing　at　all　in　this　mode
of　reasoning；　because　I　will　not　assert　that　there　is　no　difficulty
in　the　art　of　government。　　Undoubtedly　the　very　best　Administration
must　encounter　a　great　deal　of　opposition；　and　the　very　worst　will
find　more　support　than　it　deserves。　　Sufficient　appearances　will
never　be　wanting　to　those　who　have　a　mind　to　deceive　themselves。　　It
is　a　fallacy　in　constant　use　with　those　who　would　level　all　things；
and　confound　right　with　wrong；　to　insist　upon　the　inconveniences
which　are　attached　to　every　choice；　without　taking　into
consideration　the　different　weight　and　consequence　of　those
inconveniences。　　The　question　is　not　concerning　absolute　discontent
or　perfect　satisfaction　in　Government；　neither　of　which　can　be　pure
and　unmixed　at　any　time　or　upon　any　system。　　The　controversy　is
about　that　degree　of　good…humour　in　the　people；　which　may　possibly
be　attained；　and　ought　certainly　to　be　looked　for。　　While　some
politicians　may　be　waiting　to　know　whether　the　sense　of　every
individual　be　against　them；　accurately　distinguishing　the　vulgar
from　the　better　sort；　drawing　lines　between　the　enterprises　of　a
faction　and　the　efforts　of　a　people；　they　may　chance　to　see　the
Government；　which　they　are　so　nicely　weighing；　and　dividing；　and
distinguishing；　tumble　to　the　ground　in　the　midst　of　their　wise
deliberation。　　Prudent　men；　when　so　great　an　object　as　the　security
of　Government；　or　even　its　peace；　is　at　stake；　will　not　run　the　risk
of　a　decision　which　may　be　fatal　to　it。　　They　who　can　read　the
political　sky　will　seen　a　hurricane　in　a　cloud　no　bigger　than　a　hand
at　the　very　edge　of　the　horizon；　and　will　run　into　the　first
harbour。　　No　lines　can　be　laid　down　for　civil　or　political　wisdom。
They　are　a　matter　incapable　of　exact　definition。　　But；　though　no　man
can　draw　a　stroke　between　the　confines　of　day　and　night；　yet　light
and　darkness　are　upon　the　whole　tolerably　distinguishable。　　Nor　will
it　be　impossible　for　a　Prince　to　find　out　such　a　mode　of　government；
and　such　persons　to　administer　it；　as　will　give　a　great　degree　of
content　to　his　people；　without　any　curious　and　anxious　research　for
that　abstract；　universal；　perfect　harmony；　which；　while　he　is
seeking；　he　abandons　those　means　of　ordinary　tranquillity　which　are
in　his　power　without　any　research　at　all。

It　is　not　more　the　duty　than　it　is　the　interest　of　a　Prince　to　aim
at　giving　tranquillity　to　his　Government。　　If　those　who　advise　him
may　have　an　interest　in　disorder　and　confusion。　　If　the　opinion　of
the　people　is　against　them；　they　will　naturally　wish　that　it　should
have　no　prevalence。　　Here　it　is　that　the　people　must　on　their　part
show　themselves　sensible　of　their　own　value。　　Their　whole
importance；　in　the　first　instance；　and　afterwards　their　whole
freedom；　is　at　stake。　　Their　freedom　cannot　long　survive　their
importance。　　Here　it　is　that　the　natural　strength　of　the　kingdom；
the　great　peers；　the　leading　landed　gentlemen；　the　opulent　merchants
and　manufacturers；　the　substantial　yeomanry；　must　interpose；　to
rescue　their　Prince；　themselves；　and　their　posterity。

We　are　at　present　at　issue　upon　this　point。　　We　are　in　the　great
crisis　of　this　contention；　and　the　part　which　men　take；　one　way　or
other；　will　serve　to　discriminate　their　characters　and　their
principles。　　Until　the　matter　is　decided；　the　country　will　remain　in
its　present　confusion。　　For　while　a　system　of　Administration　is
attempted；　entirely　repugnant　to　the　genius　of　the　people；　and　not
conformable　to　the　plan　of　their　Government；　everything　must
necessarily　be　disordered　for　a　time；　until　this　system　destroys　the
constitution；　or　the　constitution　gets　the　better　of　this　system。

There　is；　in　my　opinion；　a　peculiar　venom　and　malignity　in　this
political　distemper　beyond　any　that　I　have　heard　or　read　of。　　In
former　lines　the　projectors　of　arbitrary　Government　attacked　only
the　liberties　of　their　country；　a　design　surely　mischievous　enough
to　have　satisfied　a　mind　of　the　most　unruly　ambition。　　But　a　system
unfavourable　to　freedom　may　be　so　formed　as　considerably　to　exalt
the　grandeur　of　the　State；　and　men　may　find　in　the　pride　and
splendour　of　that　prosperity　some　sort　of　consolation　for　the　loss
of　their　solid　privileges。　　Indeed；　the　increase　of　the　power　of　the
State　has　often　been　urged　by　artful　men；　as　a　pretext　for　some
abridgment　of　the　public　liberty。　　But　the　scheme　of　the　junto　under
consideration　not　only　strikes　a　palsy　into　every　nerve　of　our　free
constitution；　but　in　the　same　degre