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present　men　should　utter　nothing　for　which　they　would　not　willingly

be　responsible　through　time　and　in　eternity。　　Is　it　true；　then；　that

colored　people　can　displace　any　more　white　labor　by　being　free　than

by　remaining　slaves？　　If　they　stay　in　their　old　places；　they　jostle

no　white　laborers；　if　they　leave　their　old　places；　they　leave　them

open　to　white　laborers。　　Logically；　there　is　neither　more　nor　less　of

it。　　Emancipation；　even　without　deportation；　would　probably　enhance

the　wages　of　white　labor；　and　very　surely　would　not　reduce　them。

Thus　the　customary　amount　of　labor　would　still　have　to　be　performed。

The　freed　people　would　surely　not　do　more　than　their　old　proportion

of　it；　and　very　probably　for　a　time　would　do　less；　leaving　an

increased　part　to　white　laborers；　bringing　their　labor　into　greater

demand；　and　consequently　enhancing　the　wages　of　it。　　With

deportation；　even　to　a　limited　extent；　enhanced　wages　to　white　labor

is　mathematically　certain。　　Labor　is　like　any　other　commodity　in　the

market…increase　the　demand　for　it　and　you　increase　the　price　of　it。

Reduce　the　supply　of　black　labor　by　colonizing　the　black　laborer　out

of　the　country；　and　by　precisely　so　much　you　increase　the　demand　for

and　wages　of　white　labor。



But　it　is　dreaded　that　the　freed　people　will　swarm　forth　and　cover

the　whole　land。　　Are　they　not　already　in　the　land？　　Will　liberation

make　them　any　more　numerous？　　Equally　distributed　among　the　whites　of

the　whole　country；　and　there　would　be　but　one　colored　to　seven

whites。　　Could　the　one　in　any　way　greatly　disturb　the　seven？　　There

are　many　communities　now　having　more　than　one　free　colored　person　to

seven　whites；　and　this　without　any　apparent　consciousness　of　evil

from　it。　　The　District　of　Columbia　and　the　States　of　Maryland　and

Delaware　are　all　in　this　condition。　　The　District　has　more　than　one

free　colored　to　six　whites；　and　yet　in　its　frequent　petitions　to

Congress　I　believe　it　has　never　presented　the　presence　of　free

colored　persons　as　one　of　its　grievances。　　But　why　should

emancipation　South　send　the　free　people　North？　　People　of　any　color

seldom　run　unless　there　be　something　to　run　from。　　Heretofore　colored

people　to　some　extent　have　fled　North　from　bondage；　and　now；　perhaps；

from　both　bondage　and　destitution。　　But　if　gradual　emancipation　and

deportation　be　adopted；　they　will　have　neither　to　flee　from。　　Their

old　masters　will　give　them　wages　at　least　until　new　laborers　can　be

procured；　and　the　freedmen　in　turn　will　gladly　give　their　labor　for

the　wages　till　new　homes　can　be　found　for　them　in　congenial　climes

and　with　people　of　their　own　blood　and　race。　　This　proposition　can　be

trusted　on　the　mutual　interests　involved。　　And　in　any　event；　cannot

the　North　decide　for　itself　whether　to　receive　them？



Again；　as　practice　proves　more　than　theory　in　any　case；　has　there

been　any　irruption　of　colored　people　northward　because　of　the

abolishment　of　slavery　in　this　District　last　spring？



What　I　have　said　of　the　proportion　of　free　colored　persons　to　the

whites　in　the　District　is　from　the　census　of　1860；　having　no

reference　to　persons　called　contrabands　nor　to　those　made　free　by　the

act　of　Congress　abolishing　slavery　here。



The　plan　consisting　of　these　articles　is　recommended；　not　but　that　a

restoration　of　the　national　authority　would　be　accepted　without　its

adoption。



Nor　will　the　war　nor　proceedings　under　the　proclamation　of　September

22；　1862；　be　stayed　because　of　the　recommendation　of　this　plan。　　Its

timely　adoption；　I　doubt　not；　would　bring　restoration；　and　thereby

stay　both。



And　notwithstanding　this　plan；　the　recommendation　that　Congress

provide　by　law　for　compensating　any　State　which　may　adopt

emancipation　before　this　plan　shall　have　been　acted　upon　is　hereby

earnestly　renewed。　　Such　would　be　only　an　advance　part　of　the　plan；

and　the　same　arguments　apply　to　both。



This　plan　is　recommended　as　a　means；　not　in　exclusion　of；　but

additional　to；　all　others　for　restoring　and　preserving　the　national

authority　throughout　the　Union。　　The　subject　is　presented　exclusively

in　its　economical　aspect。　　The　plan　would；　I　am　confident；　secure

peace　more　speedily　and　maintain　it　more　permanently　than　can　be　done

by　force　alone；　while　all　it　would　cost；　considering　amounts　and

manner　of　payment　and　times　of　payment；　would　be　easier　paid　than

will　be　the　additional　cost　of　the　war　if　we　rely　solely　upon　force。

It　is　much；　very　much；　that　it　would　cost　no　blood　at　all。



The　plan　is　proposed　as　permanent　constitutional　law。　　It　cannot

become　such　without　the　concurrence　of；　first；　two　thirds　of

Congress；　and　afterwards　three　fourths　of　the　States。　　The　requisite

three　fourths　of　the　States　will　necessarily　include　seven　of　the

slave　States。　　Their　concurrence；　if　obtained；　will　give　assurance　of

their　severally　adopting　emancipation　at　no　very　distant　day　upon　the

new　constitutional　terms。　　This　assurance　would　end　the　struggle　now

and　save　the　Union　forever。



I　do　not　forget　the　gravity　which　should　characterize　a　paper

addressed　to　the　Congress　of　the　nation　by　the　chief　magistrate　of

the　nation；　nor　do　I　forget　that　some　of　you　are　my　seniors；　nor　that

many　of　you　have　more　experience　than　I　in　the　conduct　of　public

affairs。　　Yet　I　trust　that　in　view　of　the　great　responsibility

resting　upon　me　you　will　perceive　no　want　of　respect　to　yourselves　in

any　undue　earnestness　I　may　seem　to　display。



Is　it　doubted；　then；　that　the　plan　I　propose；　if　adopted；　would

shorten　the　war；　and　thus　lessen　its　expenditure　of　money　and　of

blood？　　Is　it　doubted　that　it　would　restore　the　national　authority

and　national　prosperity　and　perpetuate　both　indefinitely？　　Is　it

doubted　that　we　hereCongress　and　executivecan　secure　its

adoption？　　Will　not　the　good　people　respond　to　a　united　and　earnest

appeal　from　us？　　Can　we；　can　they；　by　any　other　means　so　certainly　or

so　speedily　assure　these　vital　objects？　　We　can　succeed　only　by

concert。　　It　is　not　〃Can　any　of　us　imagine　better？〃　but　〃Can　we　all

do　better？〃　Object　whatsoever　is　possible；　still　the　question　recurs；

〃Can　we　do　better？〃　The　dogmas　of　the　quiet　past　are　inadequate　to

the　stormy　present。　　The　occasion　is　piled　high　with　difficulty；　and

we　must　rise　with　the　occasion。　　As　our　case　is　new；　so　we　must　think

anew　and　act　anew。　　We　must　disenthrall　ourselves；　and　then　we　shall

save　our　country。



Fellow…citizens；　we　can　not　escape　history。　　We　of　this　Congress　and

this　administration　will　be　remembered　in　spite　of　ourselves。　　No

personal　significance　or　insignificance　can　spare　one　or　another　of

us。　　The　fiery　trial　through　which　we　pass　will　light　us　down　in

honor　or　dishonor　to　the　latest　generation。　　We　say　we　are　for　the

Union。　　The　world　will　not　forget　that　we　say　this。　　We　know　how　to

save　the　Union。　　The　world　knows　we　do　know　how　to　save　it。　　We；　even

we　here；　hold　the　power　and　bear　the　responsibility。　　In　giving

freedom　to　the　slave　we　assure　freedom　to　the　freehonorable　alike

in　what　we　give　and　what　we　preserve。　　We　shall　nobly　save　or　meanly

lose　the　last；　best　hope　of　earth。　　Other　means　may　succeed；　this

could　not　fail。　　The　way　is　plain；　peaceful；　generous；　justa　way

which　if　followed　the　world　will　forever　applaud　and　God　must　forever

bless。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS。



WASHINGTON；　December　3；　1862。



TO　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES：



On　the　3d　of　November；　1861；　a　collision　took　place　off　the　coast　of

Cuba　between　the　United　States　war　steamer　San　Jacinto　and　the　French

brig　Jules　et　Marie；　resulting　in　serious　damage　to　the　latter。　　The

obligation　of　this　Government　to　make　amends　therefor　could　not　be

questioned　if　the　injury　resulted　from　any　fault　On　the　part　of　the

San　Jacinto。　　With　a　view　to　ascertain　this；　the　subject　was　referred

to　a　commission　of　the　United　States　and　French　naval　officers　at　New

York；　with　a　naval　officer　of　Italy　as　an　arbiter。　　The　conclusion

arrived　at　was　that　the　collision　was　occasioned　by　the　failure　of

the　San　Jacinto　seasonably　to　reverse　her　engine。　　　It　then　became

necessary　to　ascertain　the　amount　of　indemnification　due　to　the

injured　party。　　The　United　States　consul…general　at　Havana　was

consequently　instructed　to　confer　with　the　consul　of　France　on　this

point；　and　they　have　determined　that　the　sum　of　9；500　is　an

equitable　allowance　under　the　circumstances。



I　recommend　an　appropriation　of　this　sum　for　the　benefit　of　the

owners　of　the　Jules　et　Marie。



A　copy　of　the　letter　of　Mr。　Shufeldt；　the　consul…general　of　the

United　States　at　Havana；　to　the　Secretary　of　State　on　the　subject　is

herewith　transmitted。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　H。　J。　RAYMOND。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

December　7；　1862。



Hon。　H。　J。　RAYMOND；　Times　Office；　New　York：



Yours　of　November　25　reached　me　only　yesterday。　Thank　you　for　it。　I

shall　consider　and　remember　your　suggestions。



A。　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　B。　G。　BROWN。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON　December　7；　1862。



HON。　B。　GRATZ　BROWN；　Saint　Louis；　Missouri：



Yours　of　the　3d　received　yesterday。　Have　already　done　what　I　can　in

the　premises。



A。　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　GOVERNOR　JOHNSON。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

December　8；　1862。

GOVERNOR　ANDREW　JOHNSON；　Nashville；　Tenn。：



Jesse　H。　Strickland　is　here　asking　authority　to　raise　a　regiment　of

Tennesseeans。　　Would　you　advise　that　the　authority　be　given　him？



A。　LINCOLN。









MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS。



WASHINGTON；　D。　C。；　December　8；　1862。



TO　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES：



In　conformity　to　the　law　of　July　16；　1862；　I　most　cordially

recommend；　that　Commander　John　L。　Worden；　United　States　Navy；　receive

a　vote　of　thanks　of　Congress　for　the　eminent　skill　and　gallantry

exhibited　by　him　in　the　late　remarkable　b