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be　appointed　as　Commander　of　the　Military　Department　of　Missouri。



Second。　　That　the　system　of　enrolled　militia　in　Missouri　may　be

broken　up；　and　national　forces　he　substituted　for　it；　and



Third。　　That　at　elections　persons　may　not　be　allowed　to　vote　who　are

not　entitled　by　law　to　do　so。



Among　the　reasons　given；　enough　of　suffering　and　wrong　to　Union　men

is　certainly；　and　I　suppose　truly；　stated。　　Yet　the　whole　case；　as

presented；　fails　to　convince　me　that　General　Schofield；　or　the

enrolled　militia；　is　responsible　for　that　suffering　and　wrong。　　　The

whole　can　be　explained　on　a　more　charitable；　and；　as　I　think；　a　more

rational　hypothesis。



We　are　in　a　civil　war。　　In　such　cases　there　always　is　a　main

question；　but　in　this　case　that　question　is　a　perplexing　compound

Union　and　slavery。　　It　thus　becomes　a　question　not　of　two　sides

merely；　but　of　at　least　four　sides；　even　among　those　who　are　for　the

Union；　saying　nothing　of　those　who　are　against　it。　　Thus；　those　who

are　for　the　Union　with；　but　not　without　slavery；　those　for　it

without；　but　not　with；　those　for　it　with　or　without；　but　prefer　it

with；　and　those　for　it　with　or　without；　but　prefer　it　without。



Among　these；　again；　is　a　subdivision　of　those　who　are　for　gradual；

but　not　for　immediate；　and　those　who　are　for　immediate；　but　not　for

gradual　extinction　of　slavery。



It　is　easy　to　conceive　that　all　these　shades　of　opinion；　and　even

more；　may　be　sincerely　entertained　by　honest　and　truthful　men。　　Yet；

all　being　for　the　Union；　by　reason　of　these　differences　each　will

prefer　a　different　way　of　sustaining　the　Union。　　At　once；　sincerity

is　questioned；　and　motives　are　assailed。　　Actual　war　coining；　blood

grows　hot　and　blood　is　spilled。　　Thought　is　forced　from　old　channels

into　confusion。　　Deception　breeds　and　thrives。　　Confidence　dies；　and

universal　suspicion　reigns。　　Each　man　feels　an　impulse　to　kill　his

neighbor；　lest　he　be　killed　by　him。　　Revenge　and　retaliation　follow。

And　all　this；　as　before　said；　may　be　among　honest　men　only。　　But　this

is　not　all。　　Every　foul　bird　comes　abroad；　and　every　dirty　reptile

rises　up。　　These　add　crime　to　confusion。　　Strong　measures　deemed

indispensable；　but　harsh　at　best；　such　men　make　worse　by

maladministration。　　Murders　for　old　grudges；　and　murders　for　self；

proceed　under　any　cloak　that　will　best　serve　for　the　occasion。



These　causes　amply　account　for　what　has　occurred　in　Missouri；　without

ascribing　it　to　the　weakness　or　wickedness　of　any　general。　　The

newspaper　files；　those　chroniclers　of　current　events；　will　show　that

the　evils　now　complained　of　were　quite　as　prevalent　under　Fremont；

Hunter；　Halleck；　and　Curtis；　as　under　Schofield。　　If　the　former　had

greater　force　opposed　to　them；　they　also　had　greater　force　with　which

to　meet　it。　　When　the　organized　rebel　army　left　the　State；　the　main

Federal　force　had　to　go　also；　leaving　the　department　commander　at

home　relatively　no　stronger　than　before。　　Without　disparaging　any；　I

affirm　with　confidence　that　no　commander　of　that　department　has；　in

proportion　to　his　means；　done　better　than　General　Schofield。



The　first　specific　charge　against　General　Schofield　is；　that　the

enrolled　militia　was　placed　under　his　command；　whereas　it　had　not

been　placed　under　the　command　of　General　Curtis。　　The　fact　is；　I

believe；　true；　but　you　do　not　point　out；　nor　can　I　conceive；　how　that

did；　or　could；　injure　loyal　men　or　the　Union　cause。



You　charge　that；　General　Curtis　being　superseded　by　General

Schofield；　Franklin　A。　Dick　was　superseded　by　James　O。　Broadhead　as

Provost…Marshal　General。　　No　very　specific　showing　is　made　as　to　how

this　did　or　could　injure　the　Union　cause。　　It　recalls；　however；　the

condition　of　things；　as　presented　to　me；　which　led　to　a　change　of

commander　of　that　department。



To　restrain　contraband　intelligence　and　trade；　a　system　of　searches；

seizures；　permits；　and　passes；　had　been　introduced；　I　think；　by

General　Fremont。　　When　General　Halleck　came；　he　found　and　continued

the　system；　and　added　an　order；　applicable　to　some　parts　of　the

State；　to　levy　and　collect　contributions　from　noted　rebels；　to

compensate　losses　and　relieve　destitution　caused　by　the　rebellion。

The　action　of　General　Fremont　and　General　Halleck；　as　stated；

constituted　a　sort　of　system　which　General　Curtis　found　in　full

operation　when　he　took　command　of　the　department。　　That　there　was　a

necessity　for　something　of　the　sort　was　clear；　but　that　it　could　only

be　justified　by　stern　necessity；　and　that　it　was　liable　to　great

abuse　in　administration；　was　equally　clear。　　Agents　to　execute　it；

contrary　to　the　great　prayer；　were　led　into　temptation。　　Some　might；

while　others　would　not；　resist　that　temptation。　　It　was　not　possible

to　hold　any　to　a　very　strict　accountability；　and　those　yielding　to

the　temptation　would　sell　permits　and　passes　to　those　who　would　pay

most　and　most　readily　for　them；　and　would　seize　property　and　collect

levies　in　the　aptest　way　to　fill　their　own　pockets。　　Money　being　the

object；　the　man　having　money；　whether　loyal　or　disloyal；　would　be　a

victim。　　This　practice　doubtless　existed　to　some　extent；　and　it　was；

a　real　additional　evil　that　it　could　be；　and　was；　plausibly　charged

to　exist　in　greater　extent　than　it　did。



When　General　Curtis　took　command　of　the　department；　Mr。　Dick；　against

whom　I　never　knew　anything　to　allege；　had　general　charge　of　this

system。　　A　controversy　in　regard　to　it　rapidly　grew　into　almost

unmanageable　proportions。　　One　side　ignored　the　necessity　and

magnified　the　evils　of　the　system；　while　the　other　ignored　the　evils

and　magnified　the　necessity；　and　each　bitterly　assailed　the　other。　　I

could　not　fail　to　see　that　the　controversy　enlarged　in　the　same

proportion　as　the　professed　Union　men　there　distinctly　took　sides　in

two　opposing　political　parties。　　I　exhausted　my　wits；　and　very　nearly

my　patience　also；　in　efforts　to　convince　both　that　the　evils　they

charged　on　each　other　were　inherent　in　the　case；　and　could　not　be

cured　by　giving　either　party　a　victory　over　the　other。



Plainly；　the　irritating　system　was　not　to　be　perpetual；　and　it　was

plausibly　urged　that　it　could　be　modified　at　once　with　advantage。

The　case　could　scarcely　be　worse；　and　whether　it　could　be　made　better

could　only　be　determined　by　a　trial。　　In　this　view；　and　not　to　ban　or

brand　General　Curtis；　or　to　give　a　victory　to　any　party；　I　made　the

change　of　commander　for　the　department。　　I　now　learn　that　soon　after

this　change　Mr。　Dick　was　removed；　and　that　Mr。　Broadhead；　a　gentleman

of　no　less　good　character；　was　put　in　the　place。　　The　mere　fact　of

this　change　is　more　distinctly　complained　of　than　is　any　conduct　of

the　new　officer；　or　other　consequence　of　the　change。



I　gave　the　new　commander　no　instructions　as　to　the　administration　of

the　system　mentioned；　beyond　what　is　contained　in　the　private　letter

afterwards　surreptitiously　published；　in　which　I　directed　him　to　act

solely　for　the　public　good；　and　independently　of　both　parties。

Neither　any　thing　you　have　presented　me；　nor　anything　I　have

otherwise　learned；　has　convinced　me　that　he　has　been　unfaithful　to

this　charge。



Imbecility　is　urged　as　one　cause　for　removing　General　Schofield；　and

the　late　massacre　at　Lawrence；　Kansas；　is　pressed　as　evidence　of　that

imbecility。　　To　my　mind　that　fact　scarcely　tends　to　prove　the

proposition。　　That　massacre　is　only　an　example　of　what　Grierson；　John

Morgan；　and　many　others　might　have　repeatedly　done　on　their

respective　raids；　had　they　chosen　to　incur　the　personal　hazard；　and

possessed　the　fiendish　hearts　to　do　it。



The　charge　is　made　that　General　Schofield；　on　purpose　to　protect　the

Lawrence　murderers；　would　not　allow　them　to　be　pursued　into　Missouri。

While　no　punishment　could　be　too　sudden　or　too　severe　for　those

murderers；　I　am　well　satisfied　that　the　preventing　of　the　threatened

remedial　raid　into　Missouri　was　the　only　way　to　avoid　an

indiscriminate　massacre　there；　including　probably　more　innocent　than

guilty。　　Instead　of　condemning；　I　therefore　approve　what　I　understand

General　Schofield　did　in　that　respect。



The　charges　that　General　Schofield　has　purposely　withheld　protection

from　loyal　people　and　purposely　facilitated　the　objects　of　the

disloyal　are　altogether　beyond　my　power　of　belief。　　I　do　not　arraign

the　veracity　of　gentlemen　as　to　the　facts　complained　of；　but　I　do

more　than　question　the　judgment　which　would　infer　that　those　facts

occurred　in　accordance　with　the　purposes　of　General　Schofield。



With　my　present　views；　I　must　decline　to　remove　General　Schofield。

In　this　I　decide　nothing　against　General　Butler。　　I　sincerely　wish　it

were　convenient　to　assign　him　a　suitable　command。　　In　order　to　　meet

some　existing　evils　I　have　addressed　a　letter　of　instructions　to

General　Schofield；　a　copy　of　which　I　enclose　to　you。



As　to　the　enrolled　militia；　I　shall　endeavor　to　ascertain　better　than

I　now　know　what　is　its　exact　value。　　Let　me　say　now；　however；　that

your　proposal　to　substitute　national　forces　for　the　enrolled　militia

implies　that　in　your　judgment　the　latter　is　doing　something　which

needs　to　be　done；　and　if　so；　the　proposition　to　throw　that　force　away

and　to　supply　its　place　by　bringing　other　forces　from　the　field　where

they　are　urgently　needed　seems　to　me　very　extraordinary。　　Whence

shall　they　come？　　Shall　they　be　withdrawn　from　Banks；　or　Grant；　or

Steele；　or　Rosecrans？　　Few　things　have　been　so　grateful　to　my　anxious

feelings　as　when；　in　June　last；　the　local　force　in　Missouri　aided

General　Schofield　to　so　promptly　send　a　large　general　force　to　the

relief　of　General　Grant；　then　investing　Vicksburg　and　menaced　from

without　by　General　Johnston。　　Was　this　all　wrong？　　Should　the

enrolled　militia　then　have　been　broken　up　and　General　Herron　kept

from　Grant　to　police　Missouri？　　So　far　from　finding　cause　to　object；

I　confess　to　a　sympathy　for　whatever　relieves　our　general　force　in