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JUNE　20；　1848。



In　Committee　of　the　Whole　on　the　State　of　the　Union；　on　the　Civil

and　Diplomatic　Appropriation　Bill：



Mr。　CHAIRMAN：I　wish　at　all　times　in　no　way　to　practise　any

fraud　upon　the　House　or　the　committee；　and　I　also　desire　to　do

nothing　which　may　be　very　disagreeable　to　any　of　the　members。　　I

therefore　state　in　advance　that　my　object　in　taking　the　floor　is

to　make　a　speech　on　the　general　subject　of　internal　improvements；

and　if　I　am　out　of　order　in　doing　so；　I　give　the　chair　an

opportunity　of　so　deciding；　and　I　will　take　my　seat。



The　Chair：　I　will　not　undertake　to　anticipate　what　the　gentleman

may　say　on　the　subject　of　internal　improvements。　　He　will；

therefore；　proceed　in　his　remarks；　and　if　any　question　of　order

shall　be　made；　the　chair　will　then　decide　it。



Mr。　Lincoln：　At　an　early　day　of　this　session　the　President　sent

us　what　may　properly　be　called　an　internal　improvement　veto

message。　　The　late　Democratic　convention；　which　sat　at　Baltimore；

and　which　nominated　General　Cass　for　the　Presidency；　adopted　a

set　of　resolutions；　now　called　the　Democratic　platform；　among

which　is　one　in　these　words：



〃That　the　Constitution　does　not　confer　upon　the　General

Government　the　power　to　commence　and　carry　on　a　general　system　of

internal　improvements。〃



General　Cass；　in　his　letter　accepting　the　nomination；　holds　this

language：



〃I　have　carefully　read　the　resolutions　of　the　Democratic　national

convention；　laying　down　the　platform　of　our　political　faith；　and

I　adhere　to　them　as　firmly　as　I　approve　them　cordially。〃



These　things；　taken　together；　show　that　the　question　of　internal

improvements　is　now　more　distinctly　madehas　become　more　intense

than　at　any　former　period。　　The　veto　message　and　the　Baltimore

resolution　I　understand　to　be；　in　substance；　the　same　thing；　the

latter　being　the　more　general　statement；　of　which　the　former　is

the　amplification　the　bill　of　particulars。　　While　I　know　there

are　many　Democrats；　on　this　floor　and　elsewhere；　who　disapprove

that　message；　I　understand　that　all　who　voted　for　General　Cass

will　thereafter　be　counted　as　having　approved　it；　as　having

indorsed　all　its　doctrines。



I　suppose　all；　or　nearly　all；　the　Democrats　will　vote　for　him。

Many　of　them　will　do　so　not　because　they　like　his　position　on

this　question；　but　because　they　prefer　him；　being　wrong　on　this；

to　another　whom　they　consider　farther　wrong　on　other　questions。

In　this　way　the　internal　improvement　Democrats　are　to　be；　by　a

sort　of　forced　consent；　carried　over　and　arrayed　against

themselves　on　this　measure　of　policy。　　General　Cass；　once

elected；　will　not　trouble　himself　to　make　a　constitutional

argument；　or　perhaps　any　argument　at　all；　when　he　shall　veto　a

river　or　harbor　bill；　he　will　consider　it　a　sufficient　answer　to

all　Democratic　murmurs　to　point　to　Mr。　Polk's　message；　and　to　the

Democratic　platform。　　This　being　the　case；　the　question　of

improvements　is　verging　to　a　final　crisis；　and　the　friends　of

this　policy　must　now　battle；　and　battle　manfully；　or　surrender

all。　　In　this　view；　humble　as　I　am；　I　wish　to　review；　and　contest

as　well　as　I　may；　the　general　positions　of　this　veto　message。

When　I　say　general　positions；　I　mean　to　exclude　from

consideration　so　much　as　relates　to　the　present　embarrassed　state

of　the　treasury　in　consequence　of　the　Mexican　War。



Those　general　positions　are：　that　internal　improvements　ought　not

to　be　made　by　the　General　GovernmentFirst。　　Because　they　would

overwhelm　the　treasury　Second。　　Because；　while　their　burdens

would　be　general；　their　benefits　would　be　local　and　partial；

involving　an　obnoxious　inequality；　and　Third。　　Because　they　would

be　unconstitutional。　　Fourth。　　Because　the　States　may　do　enough

by　the　levy　and　collection　of　tonnage　duties；　or　if　notFifth。

That　the　Constitution　may　be　amended。　　〃Do　nothing　at　all；　lest

you　do　something　wrong；〃　is　the　sum　of　these　positions　is　the　sum

of　this　message。　　And　this；　with　the　exception　of　what　is　said

about　constitutionality；　applying　as　forcibly　to　what　is　said

about　making　improvements　by　State　authority　as　by　the　national

authority；　so　that　we　must　abandon　the　improvements　of　the

country　altogether；　by　any　and　every　authority；　or　we　must　resist

and　repudiate　the　doctrines　of　this　message。　　Let　us　attempt　the

latter。



The　first　position　is；　that　a　system　of　internal　improvements

would　overwhelm　the　treasury。　　That　in　such　a　system　there　is　a

tendency　to　undue　expansion；　is　not　to　be　denied。　　Such　tendency

is　founded　in　the　nature　of　the　subject。　　A　member　of　Congress

will　prefer　voting　for　a　bill　which　contains　an　appropriation　for

his　district；　to　voting　for　one　which　does　not；　and　when　a　bill

shall　be　expanded　till　every　district　shall　be　provided　for；　that

it　will　be　too　greatly　expanded　is　obvious。　　But　is　this　any　more

true　in　Congress　than　in　a　State　Legislature？　　If　a　member　of

Congress　must　have　an　appropriation　for　his　district；　so　a　member

of　a　Legislature　must　have　one　for　his　county。　　And　if　one　will

overwhelm　the　national　treasury；　so　the　other　will　overwhelm　the

State　treasury。　　Go　where　we　will；　the　difficulty　is　the　same。

Allow　it　to　drive　us　from　the　halls　of　Congress；　and　it　will；

just　as　easily；　drive　us　from　the　State　Legislatures。　　Let　us；

then；　grapple　with　it；　and　test　its　strength。　　Let　us；　judging　of

the　future　by　the　past；　ascertain　whether　there　may　not　be；　in

the　discretion　of　Congress；　a　sufficient　power　to　limit　and

restrain　this　expansive　tendency　within　reasonable　and　proper

bounds。　　The　President　himself　values　the　evidence　of　the　past。

He　tells　us　that　at　a　certain　point　of　our　history　more　than　two

hundred　millions　of　dollars　had　been　applied　for　to　make

improvements；　and　this　he　does　to　prove　that　the　treasury　would

be　overwhelmed　by　such　a　system。　　Why　did　he　not　tell　us　how　much

was　granted？　　Would　not　that　have　been　better　evidence？　　Let　us

turn　to　it；　and　see　what　it　proves。　　In　the　message　the　President

tells　us　that　〃during　the　four　succeeding　years　embraced　by　the

administration　of　President　Adams；　the　power　not　only　to

appropriate　money；　but　to　apply　it；　under　the　direction　and

authority　of　the　General　Government；　as　well　to　the　construction

of　roads　as　to　the　improvement　of　harbors　and　rivers；　was　fully

asserted　and　exercised。〃　　This；　then；　was　the　period　of　greatest

enormity。　　These；　if　any；　must　have　been　the　days　of　the　two

hundred　millions。　　And　how　much　do　you　suppose　was　really

expended　for　improvements　during　that　four　years？　　Two　hundred

millions？　　One　hundred？　　Fifty？　　Ten？　　Five？　　No；　sir；　less　than

two　millions。　　As　shown　by　authentic　documents；　the　expenditures

on　improvements　during　1825；　1826；　1827；　and　1828　amounted　to　one

million　eight　hundred　and　seventy…nine　thousand　six　hundred　and

twenty…seven　dollars　and　one　cent。　　These　four　years　were　the

period　of　Mr。　Adams's　administration；　nearly　and　substantially。

This　fact　shows　that　when　the　power　to　make　improvements　〃was

fully　asserted　and　exercised；〃　the　Congress　did　keep　within

reasonable　limits；　and　what　has　been　done；　it　seems　to　me；　can　be

done　again。



Now　for　the　second　portion　of　the　messagenamely；　that　the

burdens　of　improvements　would　be　general；　while　their　benefits

would　be　local　and　partial；　involving　an　obnoxious　inequality。

That　there　is　some　degree　of　truth　in　this　position；　I　shall　not

deny。　　No　commercial　object　of　government　patronage　can　be　so

exclusively　general　as　to　not　be　of　some　peculiar　local

advantage。　　The　navy；　as　I　understand　it；　was　established；　and　is

maintained　at　a　great　annual　expense；　partly　to　be　ready　for　war

when　war　shall　come；　and　partly　also；　and　perhaps　chiefly；　for

the　protection　of　our　commerce　on　the　high　seas。　　This　latter

object　is；　for　all　I　can　see；　in　principle　the　same　as　internal

improvements。　　The　driving　a　pirate　from　the　track　of　commerce　on

the　broad　ocean；　and　the　removing　of　a　snag　from　its　more　narrow

path　in　the　Mississippi　River；　cannot；　I　think；　be　distinguished

in　principle。　　Each　is　done　to　save　life　and　property；　and　for

nothing　else。



The　navy；　then；　is　the　most　general　in　its　benefits　of　all　this

class　of　objects；　and　yet　even　the　navy　is　of　some　peculiar

advantage　to　Charleston；　Baltimore；　Philadelphia；　New　York；　and

Boston；　beyond　what　it　is　to　the　interior　towns　of　Illinois。　　The

next　most　general　object　I　can　think　of　would　be　improvements　on

the　Mississippi　River　and　its　tributaries。　　They　touch　thirteen

of　our　States…Pennsylvania；　Virginia；　Kentucky；　Tennessee；

Mississippi；　Louisiana；　Arkansas；　Missouri；　Illinois；　Indiana；

Ohio；　Wisconsin；　and　Iowa。　　Now　I　suppose　it　will　not　be　denied

that　these　thirteen　States　are　a　little　more　interested　in

improvements　on　that　great　river　than　are　the　remaining

seventeen。　　These　instances　of　the　navy　and　the　Mississippi　River

show　clearly　that　there　is　something　of　local　advantage　in　the

most　general　objects。　　But　the　converse　is　also　true。　　Nothing　is

so　local　as　to　not　be　of　some　general　benefit。　　Take；　for

instance；　the　Illinois　and　Michigan　Canal。　　Considered　apart　from

its　effects；　it　is　perfectly　local。　　Every　inch　of　it　is　within

the　State　of　Illinois。　　That　canal　was　first　opened　for　business

last　April。　　In　a　very　few　days　we　were　all　gratified　to　learn；

among　other　things；　that　sugar　had　been　carried　from　New　Orleans

through　this　canal　to　Buffalo　in　New　York。　　This　sugar　took　this

route；　doubtless；　because　it　was　cheaper　than　the　old　route。

Supposing　benefit　of　the　reduction　in　the　cost　of　carriage　to　be

shared　between　seller　and　the　buyer；　result　is　that　the　New

Orleans　merchant　sold　his　sugar　a　little　dearer；　and　the　people

of　Buffalo　sweetened　their　coffee　a　little　cheaper；　than　before；…

…a　benefit　resulting　from　the　canal；　not　to　Illinois；　where　the

canal　is；　but　to　Louisiana　and　New　York；　where　it　is　not。　　In

other　tra