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seventh　ballot；　I　think；　the　signal　was　given　to　the　Nebraska　men

to　turn　to　Matteson；　which　they　acted　on　to　a　man；　with　one

exception。　　。　　。　　　Next　ballot　the　remaining　Nebraska　man　and　one

pretended　Anti　went　over　to　him；　giving　him　46。　　The　next　still

another；　giving　him　47；　wanting　only　three　of　an　election。　　In

the　meantime　our　friends；　with　a　view　of　detaining　our　expected

bolters；　had　been　turning　from　me　to　Trumbull　till　he　had　risen

to　35　and　I　had　been　reduced　to　15。　　These　would　never　desert　me

except　by　my　direction；　but　I　became　satisfied　that　if　we　could

prevent　Matteson's　election　one　or　two　ballots　more；　we　could　not

possibly　do　so　a　single　ballot　after　my　friends　should　begin　to

return　to　me　from　Trumbull。　　So　I　determined　to　strike　at　once；

and　accordingly　advised　my　remaining　friends　to　go　for　him；　which

they　did　and　elected　him　on　the　tenth　ballot。



Such　is　the　way　the　thing　was　done。　　I　think　you　would　have　done

the　same　under　the　circumstances。



I　could　have　headed　off　every　combination　and　been　elected；　had

it　not　been　for　Matteson's　double　gameand　his　defeat　now　gives

me　more　pleasure　than　my　own　gives　me　pain。　　On　the　whole；　it　is

perhaps　as　well　for　our　general　cause　that　Trumbull　is　elected。

The　Nebraska　men　confess　that　they　hate　it　worse　than　anything

that　could　have　happened。　　It　is　a　great　consolation　to　see　them

worse　whipped　than　I　am。



Yours　forever；



A。　LINCOLN。









RETURN　TO　LAW　PROFESSION



TO　SANFORD；　PORTER；　AND　STRIKER；　NEW　YORK。



SPRINGFIELD；　MARCH　10；　1855



GENTLEMEN：Yours　of　the　5th　is　received；　as　also　was　that　of

15th　Dec；　last；　inclosing　bond　of　Clift　to　Pray。　　When　I　received

the　bond　I　was　dabbling　in　politics；　and　of　course　neglecting

business。　　Having　since　been　beaten　out　I　have　gone　to　work

again。



As　I　do　not　practice　in　Rushville；　I　to…day　open　a　correspondence

with　Henry　E。　　Dummer；　Esq。；　of　Beardstown；　Ill。；　with　the　view

of　getting　the　job　into　his　hands。　　He　is　a　good　man　if　he　will

undertake　it。



Write　me　whether　I　shall　do　this　or　return　the　bond　to　you。



Yours　respectfully；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　O。　　H。　　BROWNING。



SPRINGFIELD；　March　23；　1855。



HON。　　O。　　H。　　BROWNING。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Your　letter　to　Judge　Logan　has　been　shown　to　us　by

him；　and；　with　his　consent；　we　answer　it。　　When　it　became

probable　that　there　would　be　a　vacancy　on　the　Supreme　Bench；

public　opinion；　on　this　side　of　the　river；　seemed　to　be

universally　directed　to　Logan　as　the　proper　man　to　fill　it。　　I

mean　public　opinion　on　our　side　in　politics；　with　very　small

manifestation　in　any　different　direction　by　the　other　side。　　The

result　is；　that　he　has　been　a　good　deal　pressed　to　allow　his　name

to　be　used；　and　he　has　consented　to　it；　provided　it　can　be　done

with　perfect　cordiality　and　good　feeling　on　the　part　of　all　our

own　friends。　　We；　the　undersigned；　are　very　anxious　for　it；　and

the　more　so　now　that　he　has　been　urged；　until　his　mind　is　turned

upon　the　matter。　　We；　therefore　are　very　glad　of　your　letter；

with　the　information　it　brings　us；　mixed　only　with　a　regret　that

we　can　not　elect　Logan　and　Walker　both。　　We　shall　be　glad；　if　you

will　hoist　Logan's　name；　in　your　Quincy　papers。



Very　truly　your　friends；



A。　LINCOLN；

B。　S。　EWARDS；

JOHN　T。　STUART。









TO　H。　C。　WHITNEY。



SPRINGFIELD；　June　7；　1855。



H。　C。　WHITNEY；　ESQ。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Your　note　containing　election　news　is　received；　and

for　which　I　thank　you。　　It　is　all　of　no　use；　however。　　Logan　is

worse　beaten　than　any　other　man　ever　was　since　elections　were

inventedbeaten　more　than　twelve　hundred　in　this　county。　　It　is

conceded　on　all　hands　that　the　Prohibitory　law　is　also　beaten。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。











RESPONSE　TO　A　PRO…SLAVERY　FRIEND



TO　JOSHUA。　F。　SPEED。



SPRINGFIELD；　August　24；　1855



DEAR　SPEED：You　know　what　a　poor　correspondent　I　am。　　Ever　since

I　received　your　very　agreeable　letter　of　the　22d　of　May；　I　have

been　intending　to　write　you　an　answer　to　it。　　You　suggest　that　in

political　action；　now；　you　and　I　would　differ。　　I　suppose　we

would；　not　quite　as　much；　however；　as　you　may　think。　　You　know　I

dislike　slavery；　and　you　fully　admit　the　abstract　wrong　of　it。

So　far　there　is　no　cause　of　difference。　　But　you　say　that　sooner

than　yield　your　legal　right　to　the　slave；　especially　at　the

bidding　of　those　who　are　not　themselves　interested；　you　would　see

the　Union　dissolved。　　I　am　not　aware　that　any　one　is　bidding　you

yield　that　right；　very　certainly　I　am　not。　　I　leave　that　matter

entirely　to　yourself。　　I　also　acknowledge　your　rights　and　my

obligations　under　the　Constitution　in　regard　to　your　slaves。　　I

confess　I　hate　to　see　the　poor　creatures　hunted　down　and　caught

and　carried　back　to　their　stripes　and　unrequited　toil；　but　I　bite

my　lips　and　keep　quiet。　　In　1841　you　and　I　had　together　a　tedious

low…water　trip　on　a　steamboat　from　Louisville　to　St。　　Louis。　　You

may　remember；　as　I　well　do；　that　from　Louisville　to　the　mouth　of

the　Ohio　there　were　on　board　ten　or　a　dozen　slaves　shackled

together　with　irons。　　That　sight　was　a　continued　torment　to　me；

and　I　see　something　like　it　every　time　I　touch　the　Ohio　or　any

other　slave　border。　　It　is　not　fair　for　you　to　assume　that　I　have

no　interest　in　a　thing　which　has；　and　continually　exercises；　the

power　of　making　me　miserable。　　You　ought　rather　to　appreciate　how

much　the　great　body　of　the　Northern　people　do　crucify　their

feelings；　in　order　to　maintain　their　loyalty　to　the　Constitution

and　the　Union。　　I　do　oppose　the　extension　of　slavery　because　my

judgment　and　feeling　so　prompt　me；　and　I　am　under　no　obligations

to　the　contrary。　　If　for　this　you　and　I　must　differ；　differ　we

must。　　You　say；　if　you　were　President；　you　would　send　an　army　and

hang　the　leaders　of　the　Missouri　outrages　upon　the　Kansas

elections；　still；　if　Kansas　fairly　votes　herself　a　slave　State

she　must　be　admitted　or　the　Union　must　be　dissolved。　　But　how　if

she　votes　herself　a　slave　State　unfairly；　that　is；　by　the　very

means　for　which　you　say　you　would　hang　men？　　Must　she　still　be

admitted；　or　the　Union　dissolved？　　That　will　be　the　phase　of　the

question　when　it　first　becomes　a　practical　one。　　In　your

assumption　that　there　may　be　a　fair　decision　of　the　slavery

question　in　Kansas；　I　plainly　see　you　and　I　would　differ　about

the　Nebraska　law。　　I　look　upon　that　enactment　not　as　a　law；　but

as　a　violence　from　the　beginning。　　It　was　conceived　in　violence；

is　maintained　in　violence；　and　is　being　executed　in　violence。　　I

say　it　was　conceived　in　violence；　because　the　destruction　of　the

Missouri　Compromise；　under　the　circumstances；　was　nothing　less

than　violence。　　It　was　passed　in　violence　because　it　could　not

have　passed　at　all　but　for　the　votes　of　many　members　in　violence

of　the　known　will　of　their　constituents。　　It　is　maintained　in

violence；　because　the　elections　since　clearly　demand　its　repeal；

and　the　demand　is　openly　disregarded。



You　say　men　ought　to　be　hung　for　the　way　they　are　executing　the

law；　I　say　the　way　it　is　being　executed　is　quite　as　good　as　any

of　its　antecedents。　　It　is　being　executed　in　the　precise　way

which　was　intended　from　the　first；　else　why　does　no　Nebraska　man

express　astonishment　or　condemnation？　　Poor　Reeder　is　the　only

public　man　who　has　been　silly　enough　to　believe　that　anything

like　fairness　was　ever　intended；　and　he　has　been　bravely

undeceived。



That　Kansas　will　form　a　slave　constitution；　and　with　it　will　ask

to　be　admitted　into　the　Union；　I　take　to　be　already　a　settled

question；　and　so　settled　by　the　very　means　you　so　pointedly

condemn。　　By　every　principle　of　law　ever　held　by　any　court　North

or　South；　every　negro　taken　to　Kansas　is　free；　yet；　in　utter

disregard　of　this；in　the　spirit　of　violence　merely；that

beautiful　Legislature　gravely　passes　a　law　to　hang　any　man　who

shall　venture　to　inform　a　negro　of　his　legal　rights。　　This　is　the

subject　and　real　object　of　the　law。　　If；　like　Haman；　they　should

hang　upon　the　gallows　of　their　own　building；　I　shall　not　be　among

the　mourners　for　their　fate。　　In　my　humble　sphere；　I　shall

advocate　the　restoration　of　the　Missouri　Compromise　so　long　as

Kansas　remains　a　Territory；　and　when；　by　all　these　foul　means；　it

seeks　to　come　into　the　Union　as　a　slave　State；　I　shall　oppose　it。

I　am　very　loath　in　any　case　to　withhold　my　assent　to　the

enjoyment　of　property　acquired　or　located　in　good　faith；　but　I　do

not　admit　that　good　faith　in　taking　a　negro　to　Kansas　to　be　held

in　slavery　is　a　probability　with　any　man。　　Any　man　who　has　sense

enough　to　be　the　controller　of　his　own　property　has　too　much

sense　to　misunderstand　the　outrageous　character　of　the　whole

Nebraska　business。　　But　I　digress。　　In　my　opposition　to　the

admission　of　Kansas　I　shall　have　some　company；　but　we　may　be

beaten。　　If　we　are；　I　shall　not　on　that　account　attempt　to

dissolve　the　Union。　　I　think　it　probable；　however；　we　shall　be

beaten。　　Standing　as　a　unit　among　yourselves；　You　can；　directly

and　indirectly；　bribe　enough　of　our　men　to　carry　the　day；　as　you

could　on　the　open　proposition　to　establish　a　monarchy。　　Get　hold

of　some　man　in　the　North　whose　position　and　ability　is　such　that

he　can　make　the　support　of　your　measure；　whatever　it　may　be；　a

Democratic　party　necessity；　and　the　thing　is　done。　　Apropos　of

this；　let　me　tell　you　an　anecdote。　　Douglas　introduced　the

Nebraska　Bill　in　January。　　In　February　afterward　there　was　a

called　session　of　the　Illinois　Legislature。　　Of　the　one　hundred

members　composing　the　two　branches　of　that　body；　about　seventy

were　Democrats。　　These　latter　held　a　caucus　in　which　the　Nebraska

Bill　was　talked　of；　if　not　formally　discussed。　　It　was　thereby

discovered　that　just　three；　and　no　more；　were　in　favor　of　the

measure。　　In　a　day　or　two　Douglas's　orders　came　on　to　have

resolutions　passed　approving　the　bill；