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between　the　negro　and　the　white　man　he　was　for　the　white　man；　but

that　in　all　questions　between　the　negro　and　the　crocodile　he　was　for

the　negro。　　He　did　not　make　that　declaration　accidentally　at　Memphis。

He　made　it　a　great　many　times　in　the　canvass　in　Illinois　last　year

（though　I　don't　know　that　it　was　reported　in　any　of　his　speeches

there；　but　he　frequently　made　it）。　　I　believe　he　repeated　it　at

Columbus；　and　I　should　not　wonder　if　be　repeated　it　here。　　It　is；

then；　a　deliberate　way　of　expressing　himself　upon　that　subject。　　It

is　a　matter　of　mature　deliberation　with　him　thus　to　express　himself

upon　that　point　of　his　case。　　It　therefore　requires　deliberate

attention。



The　first　inference　seems　to　be　that　if　you　do　not　enslave　the　negro；

you　are　wronging　the　white　man　in　some　way　or　other；　and　that　whoever

is　opposed　to　the　negro　being　enslaved；　is；　in　some　way　or　other；

against　the　white　man。　　Is　not　that　a　falsehood？　　If　there　was　a

necessary　conflict　between　the　white　man　and　the　negro；　I　should　be

for　the　white　man　as　much　as　Judge　Douglas；　but　I　say　there　is　no

such　necessary　conflict。　　I　say　that　there　is　room　enough　for　us　all

to　be　free；　and　that　it　not　only　does　not　wrong　the　white　man　that

the　negro　should　be　free；　but　it　positively　wrongs　the　mass　of　the

white　men　that　the　negro　should　be　enslaved；　that　the　mass　of　white

men　are　really　injured　by　the　effects　of　slave　labor　in　the　vicinity

of　the　fields　of　their　own　labor。



But　I　do　not　desire　to　dwell　upon　this　branch　of　the　question　more

than　to　say　that　this　assumption　of　his　is　false；　and　I　do　hope　that

that　fallacy　will　not　long　prevail　in　the　minds　of　intelligent　white

men。　　At　all　events；　you　ought　to　thank　Judge　Douglas　for　it；　it　is

for　your　benefit　it　is　made。



The　other　branch　of　it　is；　that　in　the　struggle　between　the　negro　and

the　crocodile；　he　is　for　the　negro。　　Well；　I　don't　know　that　there　is

any　struggle　between　the　negro　and　the　crocodile；　either。　　I　suppose

that　if　a　crocodile　（or；　as　we　old　Ohio　River　boatmen　used　to　call

them；　alligators）　should　come　across　a　white　man；　he　would　kill　him

if　he　could；　and　so　he　would　a　negro。　　But　what；　at　last；　is　this

proposition？　　I　believe　it　is　a　sort　of　proposition　in　proportion；

which　may　be　stated　thus：　〃As　the　negro　is　to　the　white　man；　so　is

the　crocodile　to　the　negro；　and　as　the　negro　may　rightfully　treat　the

crocodile　as　a　beast　or　reptile；　so　the　white　man　may　rightfully

treat　the　negro　as　a　beast　or　a　reptile。〃　　That　is　really　the　〃knip〃

of　all　that　argument　of　his。



Now；　my　brother　Kentuckians；　who　believe　in　this；　you　ought　to　thank

Judge　Douglas　for　having　put　that　in　a　much　more　taking　way　than　any

of　yourselves　have　done。



Again；　Douglas's　great　principle；　〃popular　sovereignty；〃　as　he　calls

it；　gives　you；　by　natural　consequence；　the　revival　of　the　slave　trade

whenever　you　want　it。　　If　you　question　this；　listen　awhile；　consider

awhile　what　I　shall　advance　in　support　of　that　proposition。



He　says　that　it　is　the　sacred　right　of　the　man　who　goes　into　the

Territories　to　have　slavery　if　he　wants　it。　　Grant　that　for

argument's　sake。　　Is　it　not　the　sacred　right　of　the　man　who　don't　go

there　equally　to　buy　slaves　in　Africa；　if　he　wants　them？　　Can　you

point　out　the　difference？　　The　man　who　goes　into　the　Territories　of

Kansas　and　Nebraska；　or　any　other　new　Territory；　with　the　sacred

right　of　taking　a　slave　there　which　belongs　to　him；　would　certainly

have　no　more　right　to　take　one　there　than　I　would；　who　own　no　slave；

but　who　would　desire　to　buy　one　and　take　him　there。　　You　will　not　say

you；　the　friends　of　Judge　Douglas　but　that　the　man　who　does　not　own　a

slave　has　an　equal　right　to　buy　one　and　take　him　to　the　Territory　as

the　other　does。



A　voice：　I　want　to　ask　a　question。　Don't　foreign　nations　interfere

with　the　slave　trade？



Mr。　LINCOLN：　　Well！　I　understand　it　to　be　a　principle　of　Democracy　to

whip　foreign　nations　whenever；　they　interfere　with　us。



Voice：　I　only　asked　for　information。　　I　am　a　Republican　myself。



Mr。　LINCOLN：　You　and　I　will　be　on　the　best　terms　in　the　world；　but

I　do　not　wish　to　be　diverted　from　the　point　I　was　trying　to　press。



I　say　that　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty；　establishing　his　sacred

right　in　the　people；　if　you　please；　if　carried　to　its　logical

conclusion　gives　equally　the　sacred　right　to　the　people　of　the　States

or　the　Territories　themselves　to　buy　slaves　wherever　they　can　buy

them　cheapest；　and　if　any　man　can　show　a　distinction；　I　should　like

to　hear　him　try　it。　　If　any　man　can　show　how　the　people　of　Kansas

have　a　better　right　to　slaves；　because　they　want　them；　than　the

people　of　Georgia　have　to　buy　them　in　Africa；　I　want　him　to　do　it。

I　think　it　cannot　be　done。　If　it　is　〃popular　sovereignty〃　for　the

people　to　have　slaves　because　they　want　them；　it　is　popular

sovereignty　for　them　to　buy　them　in　Africa　because　they　desire　to　do

so。



I　know　that　Douglas　has　recently　made　a　little　effort；　not　seeming　to

notice　that　he　had　a　different　theory；　has　made　an　effort　to　get　rid

of　that。　　He　has　written　a　letter；　addressed　to　somebody；　I　believe；

who　resides　in　Iowa；　declaring　his　opposition　to　the　repeal　of　the

laws　that　prohibit　the　Africa　slave　trade。　　He　bases　his　opposition

to　such　repeal　upon　the　ground　that　these　laws　are　themselves　one　of

the　compromises　of　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　Now；　it

would　be　very　interesting　to　see　Judge　Douglas　or　any　of　his　friends

turn；　to　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　and　point　out　that

compromise；　to　show　where　there　is　any　compromise　in　the

Constitution；　or　provision　in　the　Constitution；　express　or　implied；

by　which　the　administrators　of　that　Constitution　are　under　any

obligation　to　repeal　the　African　slave　trade。　　I　know；　or　at　least　I

think　I　know；　that　the　framers　of　that　Constitution　did　expect　the

African　slave　trade　would　be　abolished　at　the　end　of　twenty　years；　to

which　time　their　prohibition　against　its　being　abolished　extended。

there　is　abundant　contemporaneous　history　to　show　that　the　framers　of

the　Constitution　expected　it　to　be　abolished。　But　while　they　so

expected；　they　gave　nothing　for　that　expectation；　and　they　put　no

provision　in　the　Constitution　requiring　it　should　be　so　abolished。

The　migration　or　importation　of　such　persons　as　the　States　shall　see

fit　to　admit　shall　not　be　prohibited；　but　a　certain　tax　might　be

levied　upon　such　importation。　　But　what　was　to　be　done　after　that

time？　　The　Constitution　is　as　silent　about　that　as　it　is　silent；

personally；　about　myself。　　There　is　absolutely　nothing　in　it　about

that　subject；　there　is　only　the　expectation　of　the　framers　of　the

Constitution　that　the　slave　trade　would　be　abolished　at　the　end　of

that　time；　and　they　expected　it　would　be　abolished；　owing　to　public

sentiment；　before　that　time；　and　the　put　that　provision　in；　in　order

that　it　should　not　be　abolished　before　that　time；　for　reasons　which　I

suppose　they　thought　to　be　sound　ones；　but　which　I　will　not　now　try

to　enumerate　before　you。



But　while；　they　expected　the　slave　trade　would　be　abolished　at　that

time；　they　expected　that　the　spread　of　slavery　into　the　new

Territories　should　also　be　restricted。　　It　is　as　easy　to　prove　that

the　framers　of　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　expected　that

slavery　should　be　prohibited　from　extending　into　the　new　Territories；

as　it　is　to　prove　that　it　was　expected　that　the　slave　trade　should　be

abolished。　　Both　these　things　were　expected。　　One　was　no　more

expected　than　the　other；　and　one　was　no　more　a　compromise　of　the

Constitution　than　the　other。　　There　was　nothing　said　in　the

Constitution　in　regard　to　the　spread　of　slavery　into　the　Territory。

I　grant　that；　but　there　was　something　very　important　said　about　it　by

the　same　generation　of　men　in　the　adoption　of　the　old　Ordinance　of

'87；　through　the　influence　of　which　you　here　in　Ohio；　our　neighbors

in　Indiana；　we　in　Illinois；　our　neighbors　in　Michigan　and　Wisconsin；

are　happy；　prosperous；　teeming　millions　of　free　men。　　That　generation

of　men；　though　not　to　the　full　extent　members　of　the　convention　that

framed　the　Constitution；　were　to　some　extent　members　of　that

convention；　holding　seats　at　the　same　time　in　one　body　and　the　other；

so　that　if　there　was　any　compromise　on　either　of　these　subjects；　the

strong　evidence　is　that　that　compromise　was　in　favor　of　the

restriction　of　slavery　from　the　new　Territories。



But　Douglas　says　that　he　is　unalterably　opposed　to　the　repeal　of

those　laws　because；　in　his　view；　it　is　a　compromise　of　the

Constitution。　　You　Kentuckians；　no　doubt；　are　somewhat　offended　with

that。　　You　ought　not　to　be！　　You　ought　to　be　patient！　　You　ought　to

know　that　if　he　said　less　than　that；　he　would　lose　the　power　of

〃lugging〃　the　Northern　States　to　your　support。　　Really；　what　you

would　push　him　to　do　would　take　from　him　his　entire　power　to　serve

you。　　And　you　ought　to　remember　how　long；　by　precedent；　Judge　Douglas

holds　himself　obliged　to　stick　by　compromises。　　You　ought　to　remember

that　by　the　time　you　yourselves　think　you　are　ready　to　inaugurate

measures　for　the　revival　of　the　African　slave　trade；　that　sufficient

time　will　have　arrived；　by　precedent；　for　Judge　Douglas　to　break

through；　that　compromise。　　He　says　now　nothing　more　strong　than　he

said　in　1849　when　he　declared　in　favor　of　Missouri　Compromise；and

precisely　four　years　and　a　quarter　after　he　declared　that　Compromise

to　be　a　sacred　thing；　which　〃no　ruthless　hand　would　ever　daze　to

touch；〃　he　himself　brought　forward　the　measure　ruthlessly　to　destroy

it。　　By　a　mere　calculation　of　time　it　will　only　be　four　years　more

until　he　is　ready　to　take　back　his　profession　about　the　sacredness　of

the　Compromise　abolishing　the　slave　trade。　　Precisely　as　soon　as　you

are　ready　to　have　his　services　in　that　direction；　by　fair

calculation；　you　may　be　sure　of　having　them。



But　you　remember　and　set　down