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that　ten　years；　the　Ordinance　not　being　in　the　other；　it　increased

from　a　few　to　ten　thousand。　Can　anybody　doubt　the　reason　of　the

difference？



I　think　all　these　facts　most　abundantly　prove　that　my　friend　Judge

Douglas's　proposition；　that　the　Ordinance　of　'87；　or　the　national

restriction　of　slavery；　never　had　a　tendency　to　make　a　free　State；　is

a　fallacy；a　proposition　without　the　shadow　or　substance　of　truth

about　it。



Douglas　sometimes　says　that　all　the　States　（and　it　is　part　of　this

same　proposition　I　have　been　discussing）　that　have　become　free　have

become　so　upon　his　〃great　principle〃；　that　the　State　of　Illinois

itself　came　into　the　Union　as　a　slave　State；　and　that　the　people；

upon　the　〃great　principle〃　of　popular　sovereignty；　have　since　made　it

a　free　State。　　Allow　me　but　a　little　while　to　state　to　you　what　facts

there　are　to　justify　him　in　saying　that　Illinois　came　into　the　Union

as　a　slave　State。



I　have　mentioned　to　you　that　there　were　a　few　old　French　slaves

there。　　They　numbered；　I　think；　one　or　two　hundred。　　Besides　that；

there　had　been　a　Territorial　law　for　indenturing　black　persons。

Under　that　law；　in　violation　of　the　Ordinance　of　'87；　but　without　any

enforcement　of　the　Ordinance　to　overthrow　the　system；　there　had　been

a　small　number　of　slaves　introduced　as　indentured　persons。　　Owing　to

this；　the　clause　for　the　prohibition　of　slavery　was　slightly

modified。　　Instead　of　running　like　yours；　that　neither　slavery　nor

involuntary　servitude；　except　for　crime；　of　which　the　party　shall

have　been　duly　convicted；　should　exist　in　the　State；　they　said　that

neither　slavery　nor　involuntary　servitude　should　thereafter　be

introduced；　and　that　the　children　of　indentured　servants　should　be

born　free；　and　nothing　was　said　about　the　few　old　French　slaves。　　Out

of　this　fact；　that　the　clause　for　prohibiting　slavery　was　modified

because　of　the　actual　presence　of　it；　Douglas　asserts　again　and　again

that　Illinois　came　into　the　Union　as　a　slave　State。　　How　far　the

facts　sustain　the　conclusion　that　he　draws；　it　is　for　intelligent　and

impartial　men　to　decide。　　I　leave　it　with　you；　with　these　remarks；

worthy　of　being　remembered；　that　that　little　thing；　those　few

indentured　servants　being　there；　was　of　itself　sufficient　to　modify　a

constitution　made　by　a　people　ardently　desiring　to　have　a　free

constitution；　showing　the　power　of　the　actual　presence　of　the

institution　of　slavery　to　prevent　any　people；　however　anxious　to　make

a　free　State；　from　making　it　perfectly　so。



I　have　been　detaining　you　longer；　perhaps；　than　I　ought　to　do。



I　am　in　some　doubt　whether　to　introduce　another　topic　upon　which　I

could　talk　a　while。　＇Cries　of　〃Go　on；〃　and　〃Give　us　it。〃＇　It　is　this；

then：　Douglas's　　Popular　sovereignty；　as　a　principle；　is　simply　this：

If　one　man　chooses　to　make　a　slave　of　another　man；　neither　that　man

nor　anybody　else　has　a　right　to　object。　　Apply　it　to　government；　as

he　seeks　to　apply　it；　and　it　is　this：　If；　in　a　new　Territory　into

which　a　few　people　are　beginning　to　enter　for　the　purpose　of　making

their　homes；　they　choose　to　either　exclude　slavery　from　their　limits；

or　to　establish　it　there；　however　one　or　the　other　may　affect　the

persons　to　be　enslaved；　or　the　infinitely　greater　number　of　persons

who　are　afterward　to　inhabit　that　Territory；　or　the　other　members　of

the　family　of　communities　of　which　they　are　but　an　incipient　member；

or　the　general　head　of　the　family　of　States　as　parent　of　all；　however

their　action　may　affect　one　or　the　other　of　these；　there　is　no　power

or　right　to　interfere。　　That　is　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty

applied。　　Now；　I　think　that　there　is　a　real　popular　sovereignty　in

the　world。　　I　think　the　definition　of　popular　sovereignty；　in　the

abstract；　would　be　about　this：　that　each　man　shall　do　precisely　as　he

pleases　with　himself；　and　with　all　those　things　which　exclusively

concern　him。　　Applied　in　government；　this　principle　would　be　that　a

general　government　shall　do　all　those　things　which　pertain　to　it；　and

all　the　local　governments　shall　do　precisely　as　they　please　in

respect　to　those　matters　which　exclusively　concern　them。



Douglas　looks　upon　slavery　as　so　insignificant　that　the　people　must

decide　that　question　for　themselves；　and　yet　they　are　not　fit　to

decide　who　shall　be　their　governor；　judge；　or　secretary；　or　who　shall

be　any　of　their　officers。　　These　are　vast　national　matters　in　his

estimation；　but　the　little　matter　in　his　estimation　is　that　of

planting　slavery　there。　　That　is　purely　of　local　interest；　which

nobody　should　be　allowed　to　say　a　word　about。



Labor　is　the　great　source　from　which　nearly　all；　if　not　all；　human

comforts　and　necessities　are　drawn。　There　is　a　difference　in　opinion

about　the　elements　of　labor　in　society。　　Some　men　assume　that　there

is　necessary　connection　between　capital　and　labor；　and　that

connection　draws　within　it　the　whole　of　the　labor　of　the　community。

They　assume　that　nobody　works　unless　capital　excites　them　to　work。

They　begin　next　to　consider　what　is　the　best　way。　　They　say　there　are

but　two　ways：　one　is　to　hire　men；　and　to　allure　them　to　labor　by

their　consent；　the　other　is　to　buy　the　men；　and　drive　them；　to　it；

and　that　is　slavery。　　Having　assumed　that；　they　proceed　to　discuss

the　question　of　whether　the　laborers　themselves　are　better　off　in　the

condition　of　slaves　or　of　hired　laborers；　and　they　usually　decide

that　they　are　better　off　in　the　condition　of　slaves。



In　the　first　place；　I　say　that　the　whole　thing　is　a　mistake。　　That

there　is　a　certain　relation　between　capital　and　labor；　I　admit。　　That

it　does　exist；　and　rightfully　exists；　I　think　is　true。　　That　men　who

are　industrious；　and　sober；　and　honest　in　the　pursuit　of　their　own

interests　should　after　a　while　accumulate　capital；　and　after　that

should　be　allowed　to　enjoy　it　in　peace；　and　also；　if　they　should

choose；　when　they　have　accumulated　it；　to　use　it　to　save　themselves

from　actual　labor；　and　hire　other　people　to　labor　for　them；　is　right。

In　doing　so　they　do　not　wrong　the　man　they　employ；　for　they　find　men

who　have　not　of　their　own　land　to　work　upon；　or　shops　to　work　in；　and

who　are　benefited　by　working　for　others；　hired　laborers；　receiving

their　capital　for　it。　　Thus　a　few　men；　that　own　capital；　hire　a　few

others；　and　these　establish　the　relation　of　capital　and　labor

rightfully；　a　relation　of　which　I　make　no　complaint。　But　I　insist

that　that　relation；　after　all；　does　not　embrace　more　than　one　eighth

of　the　labor　of　the　country。



＇The　speaker　proceeded　to　argue　that　the　hired　laborer；　with　his

ability　to　become　an　employer；　must　have　every　precedence　over　him

who　labors　under　the　inducement　of　force。　He　continued：＇



I　have　taken　upon　myself　in　the　name　of　some　of　you　to　say　that　we

expect　upon　these　principles　to　ultimately　beat　them。　In　order　to　do

so；　I　think　we　want　and　must　have　a　national　policy　in　regard　to　the

institution　of　slavery　that　acknowledges　and　deals　with　that

institution　as　being　wrong。　　Whoever　desires　the　prevention　of　the

spread　of　slavery　and　the　nationalization　of　that　institution　yields

all　when　he　yields　to　any　policy　that　either　recognizes　slavery　as

being　right　or　as　being　an　indifferent　thing。　　Nothing　will　make　you

successful　but　setting　up　a　policy　which　shall　treat　the　thing　as

being　wrong：　When　I　say　this；　I　do　not　mean　to　say　that　this　General

Government　is　charged　with　the　duty　of　redressing　or　preventing　all

the　wrongs　in　the　world；　but　I　do　think　that　it　is　charged　with

preventing　and　redressing　all　wrongs　which　are　wrongs　to　itself。

This　Government　is　expressly　charged　with　the　duty　of　providing　for

the　general　welfare。　　We　believe　that　the　spreading　out　and

perpetuity　of　the　institution　of　slavery　impairs　the　general　welfare。

We　believenay；　we　knowthat　that　is　the　only　thing　that　has　ever

threatened　the　perpetuity　of　the　Union　itself。　　The　only　thing　which

has　ever　menaced　the　destruction　of　the　government　under　which　we

live　is　this　very　thing。　To　repress　this　thing；　we　think；　is；

Providing　for　the　general　welfare。　Our　friends　in　Kentucky　differ

from　us。　　We　need　not　make　our　argument　for　them；　but　we　who　think　it

is　wrong　in　all　its　relations；　or　in　some　of　them　at　least；　must

decide　as　to　our　own　actions　and　our　own　course；　upon　our　own

judgment。



I　say　that　we　must　not　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery　in

the　States　where　it　exists；　because　the　Constitution　forbids　it；　and

the　general　welfare　does　not　require　us　to　do　so。　　We　must　not

withhold　an　efficient　Fugitive　Slave　law；　because　the　Constitution

requires　us；　as　I　understand　it；　not　to　withhold　such　a　law。　　But　we

must　prevent　the　outspreading　of　the　institution；　because　neither　the

Constitution　nor　general　welfare　requires　us　to　extend　it。　　We　must

prevent　the　revival　of　the　African　slave　trade；　and　the　enacting　by

Congress　of　a　Territorial　slave　code。　　We　must　prevent　each　of　these

things　being　done　by　either　Congresses　or　courts。　　The　people　of

these　United　States　are　the　rightful　masters　of　both　Congresses　and

courts；　not　to　overthrow　the　Constitution；　but　to　overthrow　the　men

who　pervert　the　Constitution。



To　do　these　things　we　must　employ　instrumentalities。　　We　must　hold

conventions；　we　must　adopt　platforms；　if　we　conform　to　ordinary

custom；　we　must　nominate　candidates；　and　we　must　carry　elections。　　In

all　these　things；　I　think　that　we　ought　to　keep　in　view　our　real

purpose；　and　in　none　do　anything　that　stands　adverse　to　our　purpose。

If　we　shall　adopt　a　platform　that　fails　to　recognize　or　express　our

purpose；　or　elect　a　man　that　declares　himself　inimical　to　our

purpose；　we　not　only　take　nothing　by　our　success；　but　we　tacitly

admit　that　we　act　upon　no　other　principle　than　a　desire　to　have　〃the

loaves　and　fishes；〃　by　which；　in　the　end；　our　apparent　success　is

really　an　injury　to　us。



I　know　that　this　is　very　desirable　with　me；　as　with　everybody　else；