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malicious　slander。　　Some　of　you　admit　that　no　Republican　designedly

aided　or　encouraged　the　Harper's　Ferry　affair；　but　still　insist　that

our　doctrines　and　declarations　necessarily　lead　to　such　results。　　We

do　not　believe　it。　　We　know　we　hold　to　no　doctrines；　and　make　no

declarations；　which　were　not　held　to　and　made　by　our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　'under　which　we　live；　and　we　cannot　see　how

declarations　that　were　patriotic　when　they　made　them　are　villainous

when　we　make　them。　　You　never　dealt　fairly　by　us　in　relation　to　that

affairand　I　will　say　frankly　that　I　know　of　nothing　in　your

character　that　should　lead　us　to　suppose　that　you　would。　　You　had

just　been　soundly　thrashed　in　elections　in　several　States；　and　others

were　soon　to　come。　　You　rejoiced　at　the　occasion；　and　only　were

troubled　that　there　were　not　three　times　as　many　killed　in　the

affair。　　You　were　in　evident　glee；　there　was　no　sorrow　for　the　killed

nor　for　the　peace　of　Virginia　disturbed；　you　were　rejoicing　that　by

charging　Republicans　with　this　thing　you　might　get　an　advantage　of　us

in　New　York；　and　the　other　States。　　You　pulled　that　string　as　tightly

as　you　could；　but　your　very　generous　and　worthy　expectations　were　not

quite　fulfilled。　　Each　Republican　knew　that　the　charge　was　a　slander

as　to　himself　at　least；　and　was　not　inclined　by　it　to　cast　his　vote

in　your　favor。　　It　was　mere　bushwhacking；　because　you　had　nothing

else　to　do。　　You　are　still　on　that　track；　and　I　say；　go　on！　If　you

think　you　can　slander　a　woman　into　loving　you　or　a　man　into　voting

for　you；　try　it　till　you　are　satisfied！



Another　specimen　of　this　bushwhacking；　that　〃shoe　strike。〃　Now　be　it

understood　that　I　do　not　pretend　to　know　all　about　the　matter。　　I　am

merely　going　to　speculate　a　little　about　some　of　its　phases。　　And　at

the　outset；　I　am　glad　to　see　that　a　system　of　labor　prevails　in　New

England　under　which　laborers　can　strike　when　they　want　to；　where　they

are　not　obliged　to　work　under　all　circumstances；　and　are　not　tied

down　and　obliged　to　labor　whether　you　pay　them　or　not！　I　like　the

system　which　lets　a　man　quit　when　he　wants　to；　and　wish　it　might

prevail　everywhere。　　One　of　the　reasons　why　I　am　opposed　to　slavery

is　just　here。　　What　is　the　true　condition　of　the　laborer？　I　take　it

that　it　is　best　for　all　to　leave　each　man　free　to　acquire　property　as

fast　as　he　can。　　Some　will　get　wealthy。　　I　don't　believe　in　a　law　to

prevent　a　man　from　getting　rich；　it　would　do　more　harm　than　good。

So；　while　we　do　not　propose　any　war　upon　capital；　we　do　wish　to　allow

the　humblest　man　an　equal　chance　to　get　rich　with　everybody　else。

When　one　starts　poor；　as　most　do　in　the　race　of　life；　free　society　is

such　that　he　knows　he　can　better　his　condition；　he　knows　that　there

is　no　fixed　condition　of　labor　for　his　whole　life。　　I　am　not　ashamed

to　confess　that　twenty…five　years　ago　I　was　a　hired　laborer；　mauling

rails；　at　work　on　a　flatboatjust　what　might　happen　to　any　poor

man's　son！　I　want　every　man　to　have　a　chanceand　I　believe　a　Black

man　is　entitled　to　itin　which　he　can　better　his　condition；　when　he

may　look　forward　and　hope　to　be　a　hired　laborer　this　year　and　the

next；　work　for　himself　afterward；　and　finally　to　hire　men　to　work　for

him！　　That　is　the　system。　　Up　here　in　New　England；　you　have　a　soil

that　scarcely　sprouts　black…eyed　beans；　and　yet　where　will　you　find

wealthy　men　so　wealthy；　and　poverty　so　rarely　in　extremity？　There　is

not　another　such　place　on　earth！　I　desire　that　if　you　get　too　thick

here；　and　find　it　hard　to　better　your　condition　on　this　soil；　you　may

have　a　chance　to　strike　and　go　somewhere　else；　where　you　may　not　be

degraded；　nor　have　your　families　corrupted；　by　forced　rivalry　with

negro　slaves。　　I　want　you　to　have　a　clean　bed　and　no　snakes　in　it！

Then　you　can　better　your　condition；　and　so　it　may　go　on　and　on　in　one

endless　round　so　long　as　man　exists　on　the　face　of　the　earth！



Now；　to　come　back　to　this　shoe　strike；if；　as　the　senator　from

Illinois　asserts；　this　is　caused　by　withdrawal　of　Southern　votes；

consider　briefly　how　you　will　meet　the　difficulty。　　You　have　done

nothing；　and　have　protested　that　you　have　done　nothing；　to　injure　the

South。　　And　yet；　to　get　back　the　shoe　trade；　you　must　leave　off　doing

something　which　you　are　now　doing。　　What　is　it？　You　must　stop

thinking　slavery　wrong！　Let　your　institutions　be　wholly　changed；　let

your　State　constitutions　be　subverted；　glorify　slavery；　and　so　you

will　get　back　the　shoe　tradefor　what？　You　have　brought　owned　labor

with　it；　to　compete　with　your　own　labor；　to　underwork　you；　and　to

degrade　you！　Are　you　ready　to　get　back　the　trade　on　those　terms？



But　the　statement　is　not　correct。　　You　have　not　lost　that　trade；

orders　were　never　better　than　now！　Senator　Mason；　a　Democrat；　comes

into　the　Senate　in　homespun；　a　proof　that　the　dissolution　of　the

Union　has　actually　begun！　but　orders　are　the　same。　　Your　factories

have　not　struck　work；　neither　those　where　they　make　anything　for

coats；　nor　for　pants　nor　for　shirts；　nor　for　ladies'　dresses。　　Mr。

Mason　has　not　reached　the　manufacturers　who　ought　to　have　made　him　a

coat　and　pants！　To　make　his　proof　good　for　anything　he　should　have

come　into　the　Senate　barefoot！



Another　bushwhacking　contrivance；　simply　that；　nothing　else！　I　find　a

good　many　people　who　are　very　much　concerned　about　the　loss　of

Southern　trade。　　Now　either　these　people　are　sincere　or　they　are　not。

I　will　speculate　a　little　about　that。　　　If　they　are　sincere；　and　are

moved　by　any　real　danger　of　the　loss　of　Southern　trade；　they　will

simply　get　their　names　on　the　white　list；　and　then；　instead　of

persuading　Republicans　to　do　likewise；　they　will　be　glad　to　keep　you

away！　Don't　you　see　that　they　cut　off　competition？　They　would　not　be

whispering　around　to　Republicans　to　come　in　and　share　the　profits

with　them。　　But　if　they　are　not　sincere；　and　are　merely　trying　to

fool　Republicans　out　of　their　votes；　they　will　grow　very　anxious

about　your　pecuniary　prospects；　they　are　afraid　you　are　going　to　get

broken　up　and　ruined；　they　do　not　care　about　Democratic　votes；　oh；

no；　no；　no！　You　must　judge　which　class　those　belong　to　whom　you　meet：

I　leave　it　to　you　to　determine　from　the　facts。



Let　us　notice　some　more　of　the　stale　charges　against　Republicans。

You　say　we　are　sectional。　　We　deny　it。　　That　makes　an　issue；　and　the

burden　of　proof　is　upon　you。　　You　produce　your　proof；　and　what　is　it？

Why；　that　our　party　has　no　existence　in　your　sectiongets　no　votes

in　your　section。　　The　fact　is　substantially　true；　but　does　it　prove

the　issue？　If　it　does；　then　in　case　we　should；　without　change　of

principle；　begin　to　get　votes　in　your　section；　we　should　thereby

cease　to　be　sectional。　　You　cannot　escape　this　conclusion；　and　yet；

are　you　willing　to　abide　by　it？　If　you　are；　you　will　probably　soon

find　that　we　have　ceased　to　be　sectional；　for　we　shall　get　votes　in

your　section　this　very　year。　　The　fact　that　we　get　no　votes　in　your

section　is　a　fact　of　your　making　and　not　of　ours。　　And　if　there　be

fault　in　that　fact；　that　fault　is　primarily　yours；　and　remains　so

until　you　show　that　we　repel　you　by　some　wrong　principle　or　practice。

　If　we　do　repel　you　by　any　wrong　principle　or　practice；　the　fault　is

ours；　but　this　brings　you　to　where　you　ought　to　have　startedto　a

discussion　of　the　right　or　wrong　of　our　principle。　　If　our　principle；

put　in　practice；　would　wrong　your　section　for　the　benefit　of　ours；　or

for　any　other　object；　then　our　principle；　and　we　with　it；　are

sectional；　and　are　justly　opposed　and　denounced　as　such。　　Meet　us；

then；　on　the　question　of　whether　our　principle　put　in　practice　would

wrong　your　section；　and　so　meet　it　as　if　it　were　possible　that

something　may　be　said　on　our　side。　　Do　you　accept　the　challenge？　No？

Then　you　really　believe　that　the　principle　which　our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live　thought　so　clearly　right　as

to　adopt　it；　and　indorse　it　again　and　again；　upon　their　official

oaths；　is　in　fact　so　clearly　wrong　as　to　demand　our　condemnation

without　a　moment's　consideration。　　Some　of　you　delight　to　flaunt　in

our　faces　the　warning　against　sectional　parties　given　by　Washington

in　his　Farewell　Address。　　Less　than　eight　years　before　Washington

gave　that　warning；　he　had；　as　President　of　the　United　States；

approved　and　signed　an　act　of　Congress　enforcing　the　prohibition　of

slavery　in　the　Northwestern　Territory；　which　act　embodied　the　policy

of　government　upon　that　subject；　up　to　and　at　the　very　moment　he

penned　that　warning；　and　about　one　year　after　he　penned　it　he　wrote

La　Fayette　that　he　considered　that　prohibition　a　wise　measure；

expressing　in　the　same　connection　his　hope　that　we　should　sometime

have　a　confederacy　of　free　States。



Bearing　this　in　mind；　and　seeing　that　sectionalism　has　since　arisen

upon　this　same　subject；　is　that　warning　a　weapon　in　your　hands

against　us；　or　in　our　hands　against　you？　　Could　Washington　himself

speak；　would　he　cast　the　blame　of　that　sectionalism　upon　us；　who

sustain　his　policy；　or　upon　you；　who　repudiate　it？　We　respect　that

warning　of　Washington；　and　we　commend　it　to　you；　together　with　his

example　pointing　to　the　right　application　of　it。



But　you　say　you　are　conservativeeminently　conservativewhile　we

are　revolutionary；　destructive；　or　something　of　the　sort。　　What　is

conservatism？　Is　it　not　adherence　to　the　old　and　tried；　against　the

new　and　untried？　We　stick　to；　contend　for；　the　identical　old　policy

on　the　point　in　controversy　which　was　adopted　by　our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live；　while　you　with　one　accord

reject　and　scout　and　spit　upon　that　old　policy；　and　insist　upon

substituting　something　new。



True；　you　disagree　among　yourselves　as　to　what　that　substitute　shall

be。　　You　have　considerable　variety　of　new　propositions　and　plans；　but

you　are　unanimous　in　rejecting　and　denouncing　the　old　policy　of　the

fathers。　　Some　of　you　are　for