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party　will　result　in　the　amalgamation　of　the　blacks　and　whites。　　I

think　I　can　show　plainly；　from　documents　now　before　me；　that　Judge

Douglas's　fears　are　groundless。　　The　census　of　1800　tells　us　that　in

that　year　there　were　over　four　hundred　thousand　mulattoes　in　the

United　States。　　Now　let　us　take　what　is　called　an　Abolition　State

the　Republican；　slavery…hating　State　of　New　Hampshireand　see　how

many　mulattoes　we　can　find　within　her　borders。　　The　number　amounts　to

just　one　hundred　and　eighty…four。　　In　the　Old　Dominionin　the

Democratic　and　aristocratic　State　of　Virginiathere　were　a　few　more

mulattoes　than　the　Census…takers　found　in　New　Hampshire。　　How　many　do

you　suppose　there　were？　Seventy…nine　thousand；　seven　hundred　and

seventy…fivetwenty…three　thousand　more　than　there　were　in　all　the

free　States！　　In　the　slave　States　there　were　in　1800；　three

hundred　and　forty…eight　thousand　mulattoes　all　of　home　production；

and　in　the　free　States　there　were　less　than　sixty　thousand　mulattoes

and　a　large　number　of　them　were　imported　from　the　South。









FRAGMENT　OF　SPEECH　AT　EDWARDSVILLE；　ILL。；



SEPT。　13；　1858。



I　have　been　requested　to　give　a　concise　statement　of　the　difference；

as　I　understand　it；　between　the　Democratic　and　Republican　parties；　on

the　leading　issues　of　the　campaign。　　This　question　has　been　put　to　me

by　a　gentleman　whom　I　do　not　know。　　I　do　not　even　know　whether　he　is

a　friend　of　mine　or　a　supporter　of　Judge　Douglas　in　this　contest；　nor

does　that　make　any　difference。　　His　question　is　a　proper　one。　　Lest　I

should　forget　it；　I　will　give　you　my　answer　before　proceeding　with

the　line　of　argument　I　have　marked　out　for　this　discussion。



The　difference　between　the　Republican　and　the　Democratic　parties　on

the　leading　issues　of　this　contest；　as　I　understand　it；　is　that　the

former　consider　slavery　a　moral；　social　and　political　wrong；　while

the　latter　do　not　consider　it　either　a　moral；　a　social　or　a　political

wrong；　and　the　action　of　each；　as　respects　the　growth　of　the　country

and　the　expansion　of　our　population；　is　squared　to　meet　these　views。

I　will　not　affirm　that　the　Democratic　party　consider　slavery　morally；

socially　and　politically　right；　though　their　tendency　to　that　view

has；　in　my　opinion；　been　constant　and　unmistakable　for　the　past　five

years。　　I　prefer　to　take；　as　the　accepted　maxim　of　the　party；　the

idea　put　forth　by　Judge　Douglas；　that　he　don't　care　whether　slavery

is　voted　down　or　voted　up。〃　I　am　quite　willing　to　believe　that　many

Democrats　would　prefer　that　slavery　should　be　always　voted　down；　and

I　know　that　some　prefer　that　it　be　always　voted　up〃；　but　I　have　a

right　to　insist　that　their　action；　especially　if　it　be　their　constant

action；　shall　determine　their　ideas　and　preferences　on　this　subject。

Every　measure　of　the　Democratic　party　of　late　years；　bearing　directly

or　indirectly　on　the　slavery　question；　has　corresponded　with　this

notion　of　utter　indifference　whether　slavery　or　freedom　shall　outrun

in　the　race　of　empire　across　to　the　Pacificevery　measure；　I　say；　up

to　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　where；　it　seems　to　me；　the　idea　is　boldly

suggested　that　slavery　is　better　than　freedom。　　The　Republican　party；

on　the　contrary；　hold　that　this　government　was　instituted　to　secure

the　blessings　of　freedom；　and　that　slavery　is　an　unqualified　evil　to

the　negro；　to　the　white　man；　to　the　soil；　and　to　the　State。

Regarding　it　as　an　evil；　they　will　not　molest　it　in　the　States　where

it　exists；　they　will　not　overlook　the　constitutional　guards　which　our

fathers　placed　around　it；　they　will　do　nothing　that　can　give　proper

offence　to　those　who　hold　slaves　by　legal　sanction；　but　they　will　use

every　constitutional　method　to　prevent　the　evil　from　becoming　larger

and　involving　more　negroes；　more　white　men；　more　soil；　and　more

States　in　its　deplorable　consequences。　　They　will；　if　possible；　place

it　where　the　public　mind　shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in

course　of　ultimate　peaceable　extinction　in　God's　own　good　time。　　And

to　this　end　they　will；　if　possible；　restore　the　government　to　the

policy　of　the　fathers；　the　policy　of　preserving　the　new　Territories

from　the　baneful　influence　of　human　bondage；　as　the　Northwestern

Territories　were　sought　to　be　preserved　by　the　Ordinance　of　1787；　and

the　Compromise　Act　of　1820。　　They　will　oppose；　in　all　its　length　and

breadth；　the　modern　Democratic　idea；　that　slavery　is　as　good　as

freedom；　and　ought　to　have　room　for　expansion　all　over　the　continent；

if　people　can　be　found　to　carry　it。　　All；　or　nearly　all；　of　Judge

Douglas's　arguments　are　logical；　if　you　admit　that　slavery　is　as　good

and　as　right　as　freedom；　and　not　one　of　them　is　worth　a　rush　if　you

deny　it。　　This　is　the　difference；　as　I　understand　it；　between　the

Republican　and　Democratic　parties。



My　friends；　I　have　endeavored　to　show　you　the　logical　consequences　of

the　Dred　Scott　decision；　which　holds　that　the　people　of　a　Territory

cannot　prevent　the　establishment　of　slavery　in　their　midst。　　I　have

stated　what　cannot　be　gainsaid；　that　the　grounds　upon　which　this

decision　is　made　are　equally　applicable　to　the　free　States　as　to　the

free　Territories；　and　that　the　peculiar　reasons　put　forth　by　Judge

Douglas　for　indorsing　this　decision　commit　him；　in　advance；　to　the

next　decision　and　to　all　other　decisions　corning　from　the　same

source。　　And　when；　by　all　these　means；　you　have　succeeded　in

dehumanizing　the　negro；　when　you　have　put　him　down　and　made　it

impossible　for　him　to　be　but　as　the　beasts　of　the　field；　when　you

have　extinguished　his　soul　in　this　world　and　placed　him　where　the　ray

of　hope　is　blown　out　as　in　the　darkness　of　the　damned；　are　you　quite

sure　that　the　demon　you　have　roused　will　not　turn　and　rend　you？　What

constitutes　the　bulwark　of　our　own　liberty　and　independence？　It　is

not　our　frowning　battlements；　our　bristling　sea　coasts；　our　army　and

our　navy。　　These　are　not　our　reliance　against　tyranny　　All　of　those

may　be　turned　against　us　without　making　us　weaker　for　the　struggle。

Our　reliance　is　in　the　love　of　liberty　which　God　has　planted　in　us。

Our　defense　is　in　the　spirit　which　prizes　liberty　as　the　heritage　of

all　men；　in　all　lands　everywhere。　　Destroy　this　spirit　and　you　have

planted　the　seeds　of　despotism　at　your　own　doors。　　Familiarize

yourselves　with　the　chains　of　bondage　and　you　prepare　your　own　limbs

to　wear　them。　　Accustomed　to　trample　on　the　rights　of　others；　you

have　lost　the　genius　of　your　own　independence　and　become　the　fit

subjects　of　the　first　cunning　tyrant　who　rises　among　you。　　And　let　me

tell　you；　that　all　these　things　are　prepared　for　you　by　the　teachings

of　history；　if　the　elections　shall　promise　that　the　next　Dred　Scott

decision　and　all　future　decisions　will　be　quietly　acquiesced　in　by

the　people。









VERSE　TO　〃LINNIE　〃



September　30？；　1858。



TO　〃LINNIE〃：



A　sweet　plaintive　song　did　I　hear

And　I　fancied　that　she　was　the　singer。

May　emotions　as　pure　as　that　song　set　astir

Be　the　wont　that　the　future　shall　bring　her。









NEGROES　ARE　MEN



TO　J。　U。　BROWN。



SPRINGFIELD；　OCT　18；　1858



HON。　J。　U。　BROWN。



MY　DEAR　SIR：I　do　not　perceive　how　I　can　express　myself　more　plainly

than　I　have　in　the　fore…going　extracts。　　In　four　of　them　I　have

expressly　disclaimed　all　intention　to　bring　about　social　and

political　equality　between　the　white　and　black　races　and　in　all　the

rest　I　have　done　the　same　thing　by　clear　implication。



I　have　made　it　equally　plain　that　I　think　the　negro　is　included　in

the　word　〃men〃　used　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence。



I　believe　the　declaration　that　〃all　men　are　created　equal　〃is　the

great　fundamental　principle　upon　which　our　free　institutions　rest；

that　negro　slavery　is　violative　of　that　principle；　but　that；　by　our

frame　of　government；　that　principle　has　not　been　made　one　of　legal

obligation；　that　by　our　frame　of　government；　States　which　have

slavery　are　to　retain　it；　or　surrender　it　at　their　own　pleasure；　and

that　all　othersindividuals；　free　States　and　national　Government

are　constitutionally　bound　to　leave　them　alone　about　it。



I　believe　our　Government　was　thus　framed　because　of　the　necessity

springing　from　the　actual　presence　of　slavery；　when　it　was　framed。



That　such　necessity　does　not　exist　in　the　Territories　when　slavery　is

not　present。



In　his　Mendenhall　speech　Mr。　Clay　says：　〃Now　as　an　abstract　principle

there　is　no　doubt　of　the　truth　of　that　declaration　（all　men　created

equal）；　and　it　is　desirable；　in　the　original　construction　of　society；

to　keep　it　in　view　as　a　great　fundamental　principle。〃



Again；　in　the　same　speech　Mr。　Clay　says：　〃If　a　state　of　nature

existed　and　we　were　about　to　lay　the　foundations　of　society；　no　man

would　be　more　strongly　opposed　than　I　should　to　incorporate　the

institution　of　slavery　among　its　elements。〃



Exactly　so。　　In　our　new　free　Territories；　a　state　of　nature　does

exist。　　In　them　Congress　lays　the　foundations　of　society；　and　in

laying　those　foundations；　I　say；　with　Mr。　Clay；　it　is　desirable　that

the　declaration　of　the　equality　of　all　men　shall　be　kept　in　view　as　a

great　fundamental　principle；　and　that　Congress；　which　lays　the

foundations　of　society；　should；　like　Mr。　Clay；　be　strongly　opposed　to

the　incorporation　of　slavery　and　its　elements。



But　it　does　not　follow　that　social　and　political　equality　between

whites　and　blacks　must　be　incorporated　because　slavery　must　not。　　The

declaration　does　not　so　require。



Yours　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN





＇Newspaper　cuttings　of　Lincoln's　speeches　at　Peoria；　in　1854；　at

Springfield；　Ottawa；　Chicago；　and　Charleston；　in　1858。　　They　were

pasted　in　a　little　book　in　which　the　above　letter　was　also　written。＇









TO　A。　SYMPSON。



BLANDINSVILLE；　Oct　26；　1858



A。　SYMPSON；　Esq。



DEAR　SIR：Since　parting　with　you　this　morning　I　heard　some　things

which　make　me　believe　that　Edmunds　and　Morrill　w