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the　military　arm。　　While　I　am　exceedingly　gratified　to　see　the

manifestation　upon　your　streets　of　your　military　force　here；　and

exceedingly　gratified　at　your　promise　to　use　that　force　upon　a　proper

emergencywhile　I　make　these　acknowledgments　I　desire　to　repeat；　in

order　to　preclude　any　possible　misconstruction；　that　I　do　most

sincerely　hope　that　we　shall　have　no　use　for　them；　that　it　will　never

become　their　duty　to　shed　blood；　and　most　especially　never　to　shed

fraternal　blood。　　I　promise　that　so　far　as　I　may　have　wisdom　to

direct；　if　so　painful　a　result　shall　in　any　wise　be　brought　about；　it

shall　he　through　no　fault　of　mine。



Allusion　has　also　been　made　by　one　of　your　honored　speakers　to　some

remarks　recently　made　by　myself　at　Pittsburg　in　regard　to　what　is

supposed　to　be　the　especial　interest　of　this　great　commonwealth　of

Pennsylvania。　　I　now　wish　only　to　say　in　regard　to　that　matter；　that

the　few　remarks　which　I　uttered　on　that　occasion　were　rather

carefully　worded。　　I　took　pains　that　they　should　be　so。　　I　have　seen

no　occasion　since　to　add　to　them　or　subtract　from　them。　　I　leave　them

precisely　as　they　stand；　adding　only　now　that　I　am　pleased　to　have　an

expression　from　you；　gentlemen　of　Pennsylvania；　signifying　that　they

are　satisfactory　to　you。



And　now；　gentlemen　of　the　General　Assembly　of　the　Commonwealth　of

Pennsylvania；　allow　me　again　to　return　to　you　my　most　sincere　thanks。









REPLY　TO　THE　MAYOR　OF　WASHINGTON；　D。C。；



FEBRUARY　27；　1861



Mr。　MAYOR：I　thank　you；　and　through　you　the　municipal　authorities　of

this　city　who　accompany　you；　for　this　welcome。　　And　as　it　is　the

first　time　in　my　life；　since　the　present　phase　of　politics　has

presented　itself　in　this　country；　that　I　have　said　anything　publicly

within　a　region　of　country　where　the　institution　of　slavery　exists；　I

will　take　this　occasion　to　say　that　I　think　very　much　of　the　ill

feeling　that　has　existed　and　still　exists　between　the　people　in　the

section　from　which　I　came　and　the　people　here；　is　dependent　upon　a

misunderstanding　of　one　another。　　I　therefore　avail　myself　of　this

opportunity　to　assure　you；　Mr。　Mayor；　and　all　the　gentlemen　present；

that　I　have　not　now；　and　never　have　had；　any　other　than　as　kindly

feelings　toward　you　as　to　the　people　of　my　own　section。　　I　have　not

now；　and　never　have　had；　any　disposition　to　treat　you　in　any　respect

otherwise　than　as　my　own　neighbors。　　I　have　not　now　any　purpose　to

withhold　from　you　any　of　the　benefits　of　the　Constitution；　under　any

circumstances；　that　I　would　not　feel　myself　constrained　to　withhold

from　my　own　neighbors；　and　I　hope；　in　a　word；　that　when　we　shall

become　better　acquaintedand　I　say　it　with　great　confidencewe

shall　like　each　other　better。　　I　thank　you　for　the　kindness　of　this

reception。









REPLY　TO　A　SERENADE　AT　WASHINGTON；　D。C。；

FEBRUARY　28；　1861



MY　FRIENDS：I　suppose　that　I　may　take　this　as　a　compliment　paid　to

me；　and　as　such　please　accept　my　thanks　for　it。　　I　have　reached　this

city　of　Washington　under　circumstances　considerably　differing　from

those　under　which　any　other　man　has　ever　reached　it。　　I　am　here　for

the　purpose　of　taking　an　official　position　amongst　the　people；　almost

all　of　whom　were　politically　opposed　to　me；　and　are　yet　opposed　to

me；　as　I　suppose。



I　propose　no　lengthy　address　to　you。　　I　only　propose　to　say；　as　I　did

on　yesterday；　when　your　worthy　mayor　and　board　of　aldermen　called

upon　me；　that　I　thought　much　of　the　ill　feeling　that　has　existed

between　you　and　the　people　of　your　surroundings　and　that　people　from

among　whom　I　came；　has　depended；　and　now　depends；　upon　a

misunderstanding。



I　hope　that；　if　things　shall　go　along　as　prosperously　as　I　believe　we

all　desire　they　may；　I　may　have　it　in　my　power　to　remove　something　of

this　misunderstanding；　that　I　may　be　enabled　to　convince　you；　and　the

people　of　your　section　of　the　country；　that　we　regard　you　as　in　all

things　our　equals；　and　in　all　things　entitled　to　the　same　respect　and

the　same　treatment　that　we　claim　for　ourselves；　that　we　are　in　no

wise　disposed；　if　it　were　in　our　power；　to　oppress　you；　to　deprive

you　of　any　of　your　rights　under　the　Constitution　of　the　United

States；　or　even　narrowly　to　split　hairs　with　you　in　regard　to　these

rights；　but　are　determined　to　give　you；　as　far　as　lies　in　our　hands；

all　your　rights　under　the　Constitutionnot　grudgingly；　but　fully　and

fairly。　　I　hope　that；　by　thus　dealing　with　you；　we　will　become　better

acquainted；　and　be　better　friends。



And　now；　my　friends；　with　these　few　remarks；　and　again　returning　my

thanks　for　this　compliment；　and　expressing　my　desire　to　hear　a　little

more　of　your　good　music；　I　bid　you　good…night。









WASHINGTON；　SUNDAY；　MARCH　3；　1861



＇During　the　struggle　over　the　appointments　of　LINCOLN's　Cabinet；　the

President…elect　spoke　as　follows：＇



Gentlemen；　it　is　evident　that　some　one　must　take　the　responsibility

of　these　appointments；　and　I　will　do　it。　　My　Cabinet　is　completed。

The　positions　are　not　definitely　assigned；　and　will　not　be　until　I

announce　them　privately　to　the　gentlemen　whom　I　have　selected　as　my

Constitutional　advisers。









FIRST　INAUGURAL　ADDRESS；

MARCH　4；　1861



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　UNITED　STATES：In　compliance　with　a　custom　as

old　as　the　Government　itself；　I　appear　before　you　to　address　you

briefly；　and　to　take　in　your　presence　the　oath　prescribed　by　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States　to　be　taken　by　the　President

〃before　he　enters　on　the　execution　of　his　office。〃



I　do　not　consider　it　necessary　at　present　for　me　to　discuss　those

matters　of　administration　about　which　there　is　no　special　anxiety　or

excitement。



Apprehension　seems　to　exist　among　the　people　of　the　Southern　States

that　by　the　accession　of　a　Republican　administration　their　property

and　their　peace　and　personal　security　are　to　be　endangered。　　There

has　never　been　any　reasonable　cause　for　such　apprehension。　　Indeed；

the　most　ample　evidence　to　the　contrary　has　all　the　while　existed　and

been　open　to　their　inspection。　　It　is　found　in　near1y　all　the

published　speeches　of　him　who　now　addresses　you。　　I　do　but　quote　from

one　of　those　speeches　when　I　declare　that



〃I　have　no　purpose；　directly　or　indirectly；　to　interfere　with　the

institution　of　slavery　in　the　States　where　it　exists。　　I　believe　I

have　no　lawful　right　to　do　so；　and　I　have　no　inclination　to　do　so。〃



Those　who　nominated　and　elected　me　did　so　with　full　knowledge　that　I

had　made　this　and　many　similar　declarations；　and　had　never　recanted

them。　　And；　more　than　this；　they　placed　in　the　platform　for　my

acceptance；　and　as　a　law　to　themselves　and　to　me；　the　clear　and

emphatic　resolution　which　I　now　read：



〃Resolved；　That　the　maintenance　inviolate　of　the　rights　of　the

States；　and　especially　the　right　of　each　State　to　order　and　control

its　own　domestic　institutions　according　to　its　own　judgment

exclusively；　is　essential　to　that　balance　of　power　on　which　the

perfection　and　endurance　of　our　political　fabric　depend；　and　we

denounce　the　lawless　invasion　by　armed　force　of　the　soil　of　any　State

or　Territory；　no　matter　under　what　pretext；　as　amongst　the　gravest　of

crimes。〃



I　now　reiterate　these　sentiments；　and；　in　doing　so；　I　only　press　upon

the　public　attention　the　most　conclusive　evidence　of　which　the　case

is　susceptible；　that　the　property；　peace；　and　security　of　no　section

are　to　be　in　any　wise　endangered　by　the　now　incoming　administration。

I　add；　too；　that　all　the　protection　which；　consistently　with　the

Constitution　and　the　laws；　can　be　given；　will　be　cheerfully　given　to

all　the　States　when　lawfully　demanded；　for　whatever　causeas

cheerfully　to　one　section　as　to　another。



There　is　much　controversy　about　the　delivering　up　of　fugitives　from

service　or　labor。　　The　clause　I　now　read　is　as　plainly　written　in　the

Constitution　as　any　other　of　its　provisions：



〃No　person　held　to　service　or　labor　in　one　State；　under　the　laws

thereof；　escaping　into　another；　shall　in　consequence　of　any　law　or

regulation　therein　be　discharged　from　such　service　or　labor；　but

shall　be　delivered　up　on　claim　of　the　party　to　whom　such　service　or

labor　may　be　due。〃



It　is　scarcely　questioned　that　this　provision　was　intended　by　those

who　made　it　for　the　reclaiming　of　what　we　call　fugitive　slaves；　and

the　intention　of　the　lawgiver　is　the　law。　　All　members　of　Congress

swear　their　support　to　the　whole　Constitutionto　this　provision　as

much　as　to　any　other。　　To　the　proposition；　then；　that　slaves　whose

cases　come　within　the　terms　of　this　clause　〃shall　be　delivered　up；〃

their　oaths　are　unanimous。　　Now；　if　they　would　make　the　effort　in

good　temper；　could　they　not　with　nearly　equal　unanimity　frame　and

pass　a　law　by　means　of　which　to　keep　good　that　unanimous　oath？



There　is　some　difference　of　opinion　whether　this　clause　should　be

enforced　by　national　or　by　State　authority；　but　surely　that

difference　is　not　a　very　material　one。　　If　the　slave　is　to　be

surrendered；　it　can　be　of　but　little　consequence　to　him　or　to　others

by　which　authority　it　is　done。　　And　should　any　one　in　any　case　be

content　that　his　oath　shall　go　unkept　on　a　merely　unsubstantial

controversy　as　to　how　it　shall　be　kept？



Again；　in　any　law　upon　this　subject；　ought　not　all　the　safeguards　of

liberty　known　in　civilized　and　humane　jurisprudence　to　be　introduced；

so　that　a　free　man　be　not；　in　any　case；　surrendered　as　a　slave？　And

might　it　not　be　well　at　the　same　time　to　provide　by　law　for　the

enforcement　of　that　clause　in　the　Constitution　which　guarantees　that



〃the　citizens　of　each　State　shall　be　entitled　to　all　privileges　and

immunities　of　citizens　in　the　several　States〃？



I　take　the　official　oath　to…day　with　no　mental　reservations；　and　with

no　purpose　to　construe　the　Constitution　or　laws　by　any　hypercritical

rules。　　And；　while　I　do　not　choose　now　to　specify　particular　acts　of

Cong