the writings-5-第62部分

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



room　for　white　men　remaining　or　coming　here。　　Mr。　Jefferson；　however；

placed　the　importance　of　procuring　Louisiana　more　on　political　and

commercial　grounds　than　on　providing　room　for　population。



On　this　whole　proposition；　including　the　appropriation　of　money　with

the　acquisition　of　territory；　does　not　the　expediency　amount　to

absolute　necessitythat　without　which　the　government　itself　cannot

be　perpetuated？



The　war　continues。　　In　considering　the　policy　to　be　adopted　for

suppressing　the　insurrection　I　have　been　anxious　and　careful　that　the

inevitable　conflict　for　this　purpose　shall　not　degenerate　into　a

violent　and　remorseless　revolutionary　struggle。　　I　have　therefore　in

every　case　thought　it　proper　to　keep　the　integrity　of　the　Union

prominent　as　the　primary　object　of　the　contest　on　our　part；　leaving

all　questions　which　are　not　of　vital　military　importance　to　the　more

deliberate　action　of　the　Legislature。



In　the　exercise　of　my　best　discretion　I　have　adhered　to　the　blockade

of　the　ports　held　by　the　insurgents；　instead　of　putting　in　force　by

proclamation　the　law　of　Congress　enacted　at　the　late　session　for

closing　those　ports。



So　also；　obeying　the　dictates　of　prudence；　as　well　as　the　obligations

of　law；　instead　of　transcending　I　have　adhered　to　the　act　of　Congress

to　confiscate　property　used　for　insurrectionary　purposes。　　If　a　new

law　upon　the　same　subject　shall　be　proposed；　its　propriety　will　be

duly　considered。　　The　Union　must　be　preserved；　and　hence　all

indispensable　means　must　be　employed。　　We　should　not　be　in　haste　to

determine　that　radical　and　extreme　measures；　which　may　reach　the

loyal　as　well　as　the　disloyal；　are　indispensable。



The　inaugural　address　at　the　beginning　of　the　Administration　and　the

message　to　Congress　at　the　late　special　session　were　both　mainly

devoted　to　topics　domestic　controversy　out　of　which　the　insurrection

and　consequent　war　have　sprung。　　Nothing　now　occurs　to　add　or

subtract　to　or　from　the　principles　or　general　purposes　stated　and

expressed　in　those　documents。



The　last　ray　of　hope　for　preserving　the　Union　peaceably　expired　at

the　assault　upon　Fort　Sumter；　and　a　general　review　of　what　has

occurred　since　may　not　be　unprofitable。　　What　was　painfully　uncertain

then　is　much　better　defined　and　more　distinct　now；　and　the　progress

of　events　is　plainly　in　the　right　direction。　　The　insurgents

confidently　claimed　a　strong　support　from　north　of　Mason　and　Dixon's

line；　and　the　friends　of　the　Union　were　not　free　from　apprehension　on

the　point。　　This；　however；　was　soon　settled　definitely；　and　on　the

right　side。　　South　of　the　line　noble　little　Delaware　led　off　right

from　the　first。　　Maryland　was　made　to　seem　against　the　Union。　　Our

soldiers　were　assaulted；　bridges　were　burned；　and　railroads　torn　up

within　her　limits；　and　we　were　many　days　at　one　time　without　the

ability　to　bring　a　single　regiment　over　her　soil　to　the　capital。　　Now

her　bridges　and　railroads　are　repaired　and　open　to　the　government；

she　already　gives　seven　regiments　to　the　cause　of　the　Union；　and　none

to　the　enemy；　and　her　people；　at　a　regular　election；　have　sustained

the　Union　by　a　larger　majority　and　a　larger　aggregate　vote　than　they

ever　before　gave　to　any　candidate　or　any　question。　　Kentucky；　too；

for　some　time　in　doubt；　is　now　decidedly　and；　I　think；　unchangeably

ranged　on　the　side　of　the　Union。　　Missouri　is　comparatively　quiet；

and；　I　believe；　can；　not　again　be　overrun　by　the　insurrectionists。

These　three　States　of　Maryland；　Kentucky；　and　Missouri；　neither　of

which　would　promise　a　single　soldier　at　first；　have　now　an　aggregate

of　not　less　than　forty　thousand　in　the　field　for　the　Union；　while　of

their　citizens　certainly　not　more　than　a　third　of　that　number；　and

they　of　doubtful　whereabouts　and　doubtful　existence；　are　in　arms

against　us。　　After　a　somewhat　bloody　struggle　of　months；　winter

closes　on　the　Union　people　of　western　Virginia；　leaving　them　masters

of　their　own　country。



An　insurgent　force　of　about　fifteen　hundred；　for　months　dominating

the　narrow　peninsular　region　constituting　the　counties　of　Accomac　and

Northampton；　and　known　as　Eastern　Shore　of　Virginia；　together　with

some　contiguous　parts　of　Maryland；　have　laid　down　their　arms；　and　the

people　there　have　renewed　their　allegiance　to　and　accepted　the

protection　of　the　old　flag。　　This　leaves　no　armed　insurrectionist

north　of　the　Potomac　or　east　of　the　Chesapeake。



Also　we　have　obtained　a　footing　at　each　of　the　isolated　points　on　the

southern　coast　of　Hatteras；　Port　Royal；　Tybee　Island　（near　Savannah）；

and　Ship　Island；　and　we　likewise　have　some　general　accounts　of

popular　movements　in　behalf　of　the　Union　in　North　Carolina　and

Tennessee。



These　things　demonstrate　that　the　cause　of　the　Union　is　advancing

steadily　and　certainly　southward。



Since　your　last　adjournment　Lieutenant…General　Scott　has　retired　from

the　head　of　the　army。　　During　his　long　life　the　nation　has　not　been

unmindful　of　his　merit；　yet　on　calling　to　mind　how　faithfully；　ably；

and　brilliantly　he　has　served　the　country；　from　a　time　far　back　in

our　history；　when　few　of　the　now　living　had　been　born；　and

thenceforward　continually；　I　cannot　but　think　we　are　still　his

debtors。　　I　submit；　therefore；　for　your　consideration　what　further

mark　of　recognition　is　due　to　him；　and　to　ourselves　as　a　grateful

people。



With　the　retirement　of　General　Scott　came　the　Executive　duty　of

appointing　in　his　stead　a　general…in…chief　of　the　army。　　It　is　a

fortunate　circumstance　that　neither　in　council　nor　country　was　there；

so　far　as　I　know；　any　difference　of　opinion　as　to　the　proper　person

to　be　selected。　　The　retiring　chief　repeatedly　expressed　his　judgment

in　favor　of　General　McClellan　for　the　position；　and　in　this　the

nation　seemed　to　give　a　unanimous　concurrence。　　The　designation　of

General　McClellan　is　therefore　in　considerable　degree　the　selection

of　the　country　as　well　as　of　the　Executive；　and　hence　there　is　better

reason　to　hope　there　will　be　given　him　the　confidence　and　cordial

support　thus　by　fair　implication　promised；　and　without　which　he

cannot　with　so　full　efficiency　serve　the　country。



It　has　been　said　that　one　bad　general　is　better　than　two　good　ones；

and　the　saying　is　true　if　taken　to　mean　no　more　than　that　an　army　is

better　directed　by　a　single　mind；　though　inferior；　than　by　two

superior　ones　at　variance　and　cross…purposes　with　each　other。



And　the　same　is　true　in　all　joint　operations　wherein　those　engaged

can　have　none　but　a　common　end　in　view　and　can　differ　only　as　to　the

choice　of　means。　　In　a　storm　at　sea　no　one　on　hoard　can　wish　the　ship

to　sink；　and　yet　not　unfrequently　all　go　down　together　because　too

many　will　direct　and　no　single　mind　can　be　allowed　to　control。



It　continues　to　develop　that　the　insurrection　is　largely；　if　not

exclusively；　a　war　upon　the　first　principle　of　popular　government

the　rights　of　the　people。　　Conclusive　evidence　of　this　is　found　in

the　most　grave　and　maturely　considered　public　documents；　as　well　as

in　the　general　tone　of　the　insurgents。　　In　those　documents　we　find

the　abridgment　of　the　existing　right　of　suffrage　and　the　denial　to

the　people　of　all　right　to　participate　in　the　selection　of　public

officers　except　the　legislative　boldly　advocated；　with　labored

arguments　to　prove　that　large　control　of　the　people　in　government　is

the　source　of　all　political　evil。　　Monarchy　itself　is　sometimes

hinted　at　as　a　possible　refuge　from　the　power　of　the　people。



In　my　present　position　I　could　scarcely　be　justified　were　I　to　omit

raising　a　warning　voice　against　this　approach　of　returning　despotism。

It　is　not　needed　nor　fitting　here　that　a　general　argument　should　be

made　in　favor　of　popular　institutions；　but　there　is　one　point；　with

its　connections；　not　so　hackneyed　as　most　others；　to　which　I　ask　a

brief　attention。　　It　is　the　effort　to　place　capital　on　an　equal

footing　with；　if　not　above；　labor　in　the　structure　of　government。　　It

is　assumed　that　labor　is　available　only　in　connection　with　capital；

that　nobody　labors　unless　somebody　else；　owning　capital；　somehow　by

the　use　of　it　induces　him　to　labor。　　This　assumed；　it　is　next

considered　whether　it　is　best　that　capital　shall　hire　laborers；　and

thus　induce　them　to　work　by　their　own　consent；　or　buy　them　and　drive

them　to　it　without　their　consent。　　Having　proceeded　so　far；　it　is

naturally　concluded　that　all　laborers　are　either　hired　laborers　or

what　we　call　slaves。　　And　further；　it　is　assumed　that　whoever　is　once

a　hired　laborer　is　fixed　in　that　condition　for　life。



Now　there　is　no　such　relation　between　capital　and　labor　as　assumed；

nor　is　there　any　such　thing　as　a　free　man　being　fixed　for　life　in　the

condition　of　a　hired　laborer。　　Both　these　assumptions　are　false；　and

all　inferences　from　them　are　groundless。



Labor　is　prior　to　and　independent　of　capital。　　Capital　is　only　the

fruit　of　labor；　and　could　never　have　existed　if　labor　had　not　first

existed。　　Labor　is　the　superior　of　capital；　and　deserves　much　the

higher　consideration。　　Capital　has　its　rights；　which　are　as　worthy　of

protection　as　any　other　rights。　　Nor　is　it　denied　that　there　is；　and

probably　always　will　be；　a　relation　between　labor　and　capital

producing　mutual　benefits。　　The　error　is　in　assuming　that　the　whole

labor　of　community　exists　within　that　relation。　　A　few　men　own

capital；　and　that　few　avoid　labor　themselves；　and　with　their　capital

hire　or　buy　another　few　to　labor　for　them。　　A　large　majority　belong

to　neither　classneither　work　for　others　nor　have　others　working　for

them。　　In　most　of　the　Southern　States　a　majority　of　the　whole　people

of　all　colors　are　neither　slaves　nor　masters；　while　in　the　Northern　a

large　majority　are　neither　hirers　nor　hired。　　Men；　with　their

familieswives；　sons；　and　daughters；work　for　themselves　on　their

farms；　in　their　houses；　and　in　their　shops；　taking　the　whole　product

to　themselves；　and　asking