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amongst　Democrats　to…day；　it　is　true；　but　that　man　did　not　take

exactly　this　view　of　the　insignificance　of　the　element　of　slavery

which　our　friend　judge　Douglas　does。　　In　contemplation　of　this　thing；

we　all　know　he　was　led　to　exclaim；　〃I　tremble　for　my　country　when　I

remember　that　God　is　just！〃　　We　know　how　he　looked　upon　it　when　he

thus　expressed　himself。　　There　was　danger　to　this　country；danger　of

the　avenging　justice　of　God；　in　that　little　unimportant　popular

sovereignty　question　of　judge　Douglas。　　He　supposed　there　was　a

question　of　God's　eternal　justice　wrapped　up　in　the　enslaving　of　any

race　of　men；　or　any　man；　and　that　those　who　did　so　braved　the　arm　of

Jehovah；　that　when　a　nation　thus　dared　the　Almighty；　every　friend　of

that　nation　had　cause　to　dread　his　wrath。　　Choose　ye　between

Jefferson　and　Douglas　as　to　what　is　the　true　view　of　this　element

among　us。



There　is　another　little　difficulty　about　this　matter　of　treating　the

Territories　and　States　alike　in　all　things；　to　which　I　ask　your

attention；　and　I　shall　leave　this　branch　of　the　case。　　If　there　is　no

difference　between　them；　why　not　make　the　Territories　States　at　once？

What　is　the　reason　that　Kansas　was　not　fit　to　come　into　the　Union

when　it　was　organized　into　a　Territory；　in　Judge　Douglas's　view？　　Can

any　of　you　tell　any　reason　why　it　should　not　have　come　into　the　Union

at　once？　　They　are　fit；　as　he　thinks；　to　decide　upon　the　slavery

question；the　largest　and　most　important　with　which　they　could

possibly　deal：　what　could　they　do　by　coming　into　the　Union　that　they

are　not　fit　to　do；　according　to　his　view；　by　staying　out　of　it？　　Oh；

they　are　not　fit　to　sit　in　Congress　and　decide　upon　the　rates　of

postage；　or　questions　of　ad　valorem　or　specific　duties　on　foreign

goods；　or　live…oak　timber　contracts；　they　are　not　fit　to　decide　these

vastly　important　matters；　which　are　national　in　their　import；　but

they　are　fit；　〃from　the　jump；〃　to　decide　this　little　negro　question。

But；　gentlemen；　the　case　is　too　plain；　I　occupy　too　much　time　on　this

head；　and　I　pass　on。



Near　the　close　of　the　copyright　essay；　the　judge；　I　think；　comes　very

near　kicking　his　own　fat　into　the　fire。　I　did　not　think；　when　I

commenced　these　remarks；　that　I　would　read　that　article；　but　I　now

believe　I　will：



〃This　exposition　of　the　history　of　these　measures　shows　conclusively

that　the　authors　of　the　Compromise　measures　of　1850　and　of　the

Kansas…Nebraska　Act　of　1854；　as　well　as　the　members　of　the

Continental　Congress　of　1774。；　and　the　founders　of　our　system　of

government　subsequent　to　the　Revolution；　regarded　the　people　of　the

Territories　and　Colonies　as　political　communities　which　were　entitled

to　a　free　and　exclusive　power　of　legislation　in　their　provisional

legislatures；　where　their　representation　could　alone　be　preserved；　in

all　cases　of　taxation　and　internal　polity。〃



When　the　judge　saw　that　putting　in　the　word　〃slavery〃　would

contradict　his　own　history；　he　put　in　what　he　knew　would　pass

synonymous　with　it；〃internal　polity。〃　　Whenever　we　find　that　in　one

of　his　speeches；　the　substitute　is　used　in　this　manner；　and　I　can

tell　you　the　reason。　　It　would　be　too　bald　a　contradiction　to　say

slavery；　but　〃internal　polity〃　is　a　general　phrase；　which　would　pass

in　some　quarters；　and　which　he　hopes　will　pass　with　the　reading

community　for　the　same　thing。



〃This　right　pertains　to　the　people　collectively；　as　a　law…abiding　and

peaceful　community；　and　not　in　the　isolated　individuals　who　may

wander　upon　the　public　domain　in　violation　of　the　law。　It　can　only　be

exercised　where　there　are　inhabitants　sufficient　to　constitute　a

government；　and　capable　of　performing　its　various　functions　and

duties；a　fact　to　be　ascertained　and　determined　by　〃who　do　you

think？　　Judge　Douglas　says　〃by　Congress！〃　　〃Whether　the　number　shall

be　fixed　at　ten；　fifteen　or　twenty　thousand　inhabitants；　does　not

affect　the　principle。〃



Now；　I　have　only　a　few　comments　to　make。　Popular　sovereignty；　by　his

own　words；　does　not　pertain　to　the　few　persons　who　wander　upon　the

public　domain　in　violation　of　law。　　We　have　his　words　for　that。　　When

it　does　pertain　to　them；　is　when　they　are　sufficient　to　be　formed

into　an　organized　political　community；　and　he　fixes　the　minimum　for

that　at　ten　thousand；　and　the　maximum　at　twenty　thousand。　　Now；　I

would　like　to　know　what　is　to　be　done　with　the　nine　thousand？　　Are

they　all　to　be　treated；　until　they　are　large　enough　to　be　organized

into　a　political　community；　as　wanderers　upon　the　public　land；　in

violation　of　law？　　And　if　so　treated　and　driven　out；　at　what　point　of

time　would　there　ever　be　ten　thousand？　　If　they　were　not　driven　out；

but　remained　there　as　trespassers　upon　the　public　land　in　violation

of　the　law；　can　they　establish　slavery　there？　　No；　the　judge　says

popular　sovereignty　don't　pertain　to　them　then。　　Can　they　exclude　it

then？　　No；　popular　sovereignty　don't　pertain　to　them　then。　　I　would

like　to　know；　in　the　case　covered　by　the　essay；　what　condition　the

people　of　the　Territory　are　in　before　they　reach　the　number　of　ten

thousand？



But　the　main　point　I　wish　to　ask　attention　to　is；　that　the　question

as　to　when　they　shall　have　reached　a　sufficient　number　to　be　formed

into　a　regular　organized　community　is　to　be　decided　〃by　Congress。〃

Judge　Douglas　says　so。　　Well；　gentlemen；　that　is　about　all　we　want。

No；　that　is　all　the　Southerners　want。　　That　is　what　all　those　who　are

for　slavery　want。　　They　do　not　want　Congress　to　prohibit　slavery　from

coming　into　the　new　Territories；　and　they　do　not　want　popular

sovereignty　to　hinder　it；　and　as　Congress　is　to　say　when　they　are

ready　to　be　organized；　all　that　the　South　has　to　do　is　to　get

Congress　to　hold　off。　　Let　Congress　hold　off　until　they　are　ready　to

be　admitted　as　a　State；　and　the　South　has　all　it　wants　in　taking

slavery　into　and　planting　it　in　all　the　Territories　that　we　now　have

or　hereafter　may　have。　　In　a　word；　the　whole　thing；　at　a　dash　of　the

pen；　is　at　last　put　in　the　power　of　Congress；　for　if　they　do　not　have

this　popular　sovereignty　until　Congress　organizes　them；　I　ask　if　it

at　last　does　not　come　from　Congress？　　If；　at　last；　it　amounts　to

anything　at　all；　Congress　gives　it　to　them。　　I　submit　this　rather　for

your　reflection　than　for　comment。　　After　all　that　is　said；　at　last；

by　a　dash　of　the　pen；　everything　that　has　gone　before　is　undone；　and

he　puts　the　whole　question　under　the　control　of　Congress。　　After

fighting　through　more　than　three　hours；　if　you　undertake　to　read　it；

he　at　last　places　the　whole　matter　under　the　control　of　that　power

which　he　has　been　contending　against；　and　arrives　at　a　result

directly　contrary　to　what　he　had　been　laboring　to　do。　　He　at　last

leaves　the　whole　matter　to　the　control　of　Congress。



There　are　two　main　objects；　as　I　understand　it；　of　this　Harper's

Magazine　essay。　One　was　to　show；　if　possible；　that　the　men　of　our

Revolutionary　times　were　in　favor　of　his　popular　sovereignty；　and　the

other　was　to　show　that　the　Dred　Scott　decision　had　not　entirely

squelched　out　this　popular　sovereignty。　　I　do　not　propose；　in　regard

to　this　argument　drawn　from　the　history　of　former　times；　to　enter

into　a　detailed　examination　of　the　historical　statements　he　has　made。

I　have　the　impression　that　they　are　inaccurate　in　a　great　many

instances；sometimes　in　positive　statement；　but　very　much　more

inaccurate　by　the　suppression　of　statements　that　really　belong　to　the

history。　　But　I　do　not　propose　to　affirm　that　this　is　so　to　any　very

great　extent；　or　to　enter　into　a　very　minute　examination　of　his

historical　statements。　　I　avoid　doing　so　upon　this　principle；that

if　it　were　important　for　me　to　pass　out　of　this　lot　in　the　least

period　of　time　possible；　and　I　came　to　that　fence；　and　saw　by　a

calculation　of　my　known　strength　and　agility　that　I　could　clear　it　at

a　bound；　it　would　be　folly　for　me　to　stop　and　consider　whether　I

could　or　not　crawl　through　a　crack。　　So　I　say　of　the　whole　history

contained　in　his　essay　where　he　endeavored　to　link　the　men　of　the

Revolution　to　popular　sovereignty。　　It　only　requires　an　effort　to

leap　out　of　it；　a　single　bound　to　be　entirely　successful。　　If　you

read　it　over；　you　will　find　that　he　quotes　here　and　there　from

documents　of　the　Revolutionary　times；　tending　to　show　that　the　people

of　the　colonies　were　desirous　of　regulating　their　own　concerns　in

their　own　way；　that　the　British　Government　should　not　interfere；　that

at　one　time　they　struggled　with　the　British　Government　to　be

permitted　to　exclude　the　African　slave　trade；if　not　directly；　to　be

permitted　to　exclude　it　indirectly；　by　taxation　sufficient　to

discourage　and　destroy　it。　　From　these　and　many　things　of　this　sort；

judge　Douglas　argues　that　they　were　in　favor　of　the　people　of　our　own

Territories　excluding　slavery　if　they　wanted　to；　or　planting　it　there

if　they　wanted　to；　doing　just　as　they　pleased　from　the　time　they

settled　upon　the　Territory。　　Now；　however　his　history　may　apply　and

whatever　of　his　argument　there　may　be　that　is　sound　and　accurate　or

unsound　and　inaccurate；　if　we　can　find　out　what　these　men　did

themselves　do　upon　this　very　question　of　slavery　in　the　Territories；

does　it　not　end　the　whole　thing？　　If；　after　all　this　labor　and　effort

to　show　that　the　men　of　the　Revolution　were　in　favor　of　his　popular

sovereignty　and　his　mode　of　dealing　with　slavery　in　the　Territories；

we　can　show　that　these　very　men　took　hold　of　that　subject；　and　dealt

with　it；　we　can　see　for　ourselves　how　they　dealt　with　it。　　It　is　not

a　matter　of　argument　or　inference；　but　we　know　what　they　thought

about　it。



It　is　precisely　upon　that　part　of　the　history　of　the　country　that　one

important　omission　is　made　by　Judge　Douglas。　　He　selects　parts　of　the

history　of　the　United　States　upon　the　subject　of　slavery；　and　treats

it　as　the　whole；　omitting　from　his　historical　sketch　the　legislation

of　Congress　in　regard　to　the　admission　of　Missouri；　by