william ewart gladstone-第6部分

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expresses　the　sentiments　which　already　prevail　in　his　party。　　He　may
help　to　destroy；　he　does　not　construct。　　Mr。　Gladstone　was　himself　a
source　of　new　ideas　and　new　policies；　he　evoked　new　sentiments　or
turned　sentiments　into　new　channels。　　He　was　a　constructive
statesman　not　less　conspicuously　than　Pitt；　Canning；　and　Peel。　　If
the　memory　of　his　oratorical　triumphs　were　to　pass　completely　away；
he　would　deserve　to　be　remembered　in　respect　of　the　mark　he　left
upon　the　British　statute…book　and　of　the　changes　he　wrought　both　in
the　constitution　of　his　country　and　in　her　European　policy。　　To
describe　the　acts　he　carried　would　almost　be　to　write　the　history　of
recent　British　legislation；　to　pass　a　judgment　upon　their　merits
would　be　foreign　to　the　scope　of　this　sketch：　　it　is　only　to　three
remarkable　groups　of　measures　that　reference　can　here　be　made。

The　first　of　these　three　groups　includes　the　financial　reforms
embodied　in　a　series　of　fourteen　budgets　between　the　years　1853　and
1882；　the　most　famous　of　which　were　the　budgets　of　1853　and　1860。
In　the　former　Mr。　Gladstone　continued　the　work　begun　by　Peel　by
reducing　and　simplifying　the　customs　duties。　　The　deficiency　in
revenue　thus　caused　was　supplied　by　the　enactment　of　less　oppressive
imposts；　and　particularly　by　resettling　the　income　tax；　and　by　the
introduction　of　a　succession　duty　on　real　estate。　　The　preparation
and　passing　of　this　very　technical　and　intricate　Succession　Duty　Act
was　a　most　laborious　enterprise；　of　which　Mr。　Gladstone　used　to
speak　as　the　severest　mental　strain　he　had　ever　undergone。

＇Greek　text＇

The　budget　of　1860；　among　other　changes；　abolished　the　paper　duty；
an　immense　service　to　the　press；　which　excited　the　hostility　of　the
House　of　Lords。　　They　threw　out　the　measure；　but　in　the　following
year　Mr。　Gladstone　forced　them　to　submit。　　His　achievements　in　the
field　of　finance　equal；　if　they　do　not　surpass；　those　of　Peel；　and
are　not　tarnished；　as　in　the　case　of　Pitt；　by　the　recollection　of
burdensome　wars。　　To　no　minister　can　so　large　a　share　in　promoting
the　commercial　and　industrial　prosperity　of　modern　England；　and　in
the　reduction　of　her　national　debt；　be　ascribed。

The　second　group　includes　the　two　great　parliamentary　reform　bills
of　1866　and　1884　and　the　Redistribution　Bill　of　1885。　　The　first　of
these　was　defeated　in　the　House　of　Commons；　but　it　led　to　the
passing　next　year　of　an　even　more　comprehensive　billa　bill　which；
though　passed　by　Mr。　Disraeli；　was　to　some　extent　dictated　by　Mr。
Gladstone；　as　leader　of　the　opposition。　　Of　these　three　statutes
taken　together；　it　may　be　said　that　they　have　turned　Britain　into　a
democratic　country；　changing　the　character　of　her　government　almost
as　profoundly　as　did　the　Reform　Act　of　1832。

The　third　group　consists　of　a　series　of　Irish　measures；　beginning
with　the　Church　Disestablishment　Act　of　1869；　and　including　the　Land
Act　of　1870；　the　University　Education　Bill　of　1873　（defeated　in　the
House　of　Commons）；　the　Land　Act　of　1881；　and　the　home…rule　bills　of
1886　and　1893。　　All　these　were　in　a　special　manner　Mr。　Gladstone's
handiwork；　prepared　as　well　as　brought　in　and　advocated　by　him。　　All
were　highly　complicated；　and　of　onethe　Land　Act　of　1881；　which　it
took　three　months　to　carry　through　the　House　of　Commonsit　was　said
that　so　great　was　its　intricacy　that　only　three　men　understood　it
Mr。　Gladstone　himself；　his　Attorney…General　for　Ireland；　and　Mr。　T。
M。　Healy。　　So　far　from　shrinking　from；　he　seemed　to　revel　in；　the
toil　of　mastering　an　infinitude　of　technical　details。　　Yet　neither
did　he　want　boldness　and　largeness　of　conception。　　The　Home…Rule
Bill　of　1886　was　nothing　less　than　a　new　constitution　for　Ireland；
and　in　all　but　one　of　its　most　essential　features　had　been
practically　worked　out　by　himself　more　than　four　months　before　it
was　presented　to　Parliament。

Of　the　other　important　measures　passed　while　he　was　prime　minister；
two　deserve　special　mention；　the　Education　Act　of　1870　and　the
Local…Government　Act　of　1894。　　Neither　of　these；　however；　was
directly　his　work；　though　he　took　a　leading　part　in　piloting　the
former　through　the　House　of　Commons。

His　action　in　the　field　of　foreign　policy；　though　it　was　felt　only
at　intervals；　was　on　several　occasions　momentous；　and　has　left
abiding　results　in　European　history。　　In　1851；　he　being　then　still　a
Tory；　his　powerful　pamphlet　against　the　Bourbon　government　of
Naples；　and　the　sympathy　he　subsequently　avowed　with　the　national
movement　in　Italy；　gave　that　movement　a　new　standing　in　Europe　by
powerfully　recommending　it　to　English　opinion。　　In　1870　the　prompt
action　of　his　government；　in　concluding　a　treaty　for　the　neutrality
of　Belgium　on　the　outbreak　of　the　war　between　France　and　Germany；
saved　Belgium　from　being　drawn　into　the　strife。　　In　1871；　by
concluding　the　treaty　of　Washington；　which　provided　for　the
settlement　of　the　Alabama　claims；　he　not　only　asserted　a　principle
of　the　utmost　value；　but　delivered　England　from　what　would　have
been；　in　case　of　her　being　at　war　with　any　European　power；　a　danger
fatal　to　her　ocean　commerce。　　And；　in　1876；　the　vigorous　attack　he
made　on　the　Turks　after　the　Bulgarian　massacre　roused　an　intense
feeling　in　England；　so　turned　the　current　of　opinion　that　Disraeli's
ministry　were　forced　to　leave　the　Sultan　to　his　fate；　and　thus
became　the　cause　of　the　deliverance　of　Bulgaria；　Eastern　Rumelia；
Bosnia；　and　Thessaly　from　Mussulman　tyranny。　　Few　English　statesmen
have　equally　earned　the　gratitude　of　the　oppressed。

Nothing　lay　nearer　to　his　heart　than　the　protection　of　the　Eastern
Christians。　　His　sense　of　personal　duty　to　them　was　partly　due　to
the　feeling　that　the　Crimean　War　had　prolonged　the　rule　of　the　Turk；
and　had　thus　imposed　a　special　responsibility　on　Britain；　and　on　the
statesmen　who　formed　the　cabinet　which　undertook　that　war。　　Twenty
years　after　the　agitation　of　1876；　and　when　he　had　finally　retired
from　Parliament　and　political　life；　the　massacres　perpetrated　by　the
Sultan　on　his　Armenian　subjects　brought　him　once　more　into　the
field；　and　his　last　speech　in　public　（delivered　at　Liverpool　in　the
autumn　of　1896）　was　a　powerful　argument　in　favor　of　British
intervention　to　rescue　the　Eastern　Christians。　　In　the　following
spring　he　followed　this　up　by　a　spirited　pamphlet　on　behalf　of　the
freedom　of　Crete。　　In　neither　of　these　two　cases　did　success　crown
his　efforts；　for　the　government；　commanding　a　large　majority　in
Parliament；　pursued　the　course　it　had　already　entered　on。　　Many
poignant　regrets　were　expressed　in　England　that　Mr。　Gladstone　was　no
longer　able　to　take　practical　action　in　the　cause　of　humanity；　yet
it　was　a　consolation　to　have　the　assurance　that　his　sympathies　with
that　cause　had　been　nowise　dulled　by　age　and　physical　infirmity。

That　he　was　right　in　the　view　he　took　of　the　Turks　and　British
policy　in　1876…78　has　been　now　virtually　admitted　even　by　his
opponents。　　That　he　was　also　right　in　1896　and　1897；　when　urging
action　to　protect　the　Eastern　Christians；　will　probably　be　admitted
ten　years　hence；　when　partizan　passion　has　cooled。　　In　both　cases　it
was　not　merely　religious　sympathy；　but　also　a　far…sighted　view　of
policy　that　governed　his　judgment。　　The　only　charge　that　can　fairly
be　brought　against　his　conduct　in　foreign；　and　especially　in
Eastern；　affairs　is；　that　he　did　not　keep　a　sufficiently　watchful
eye　upon　them　at　all　times；　but　frequently　allowed　himself　to　be　so
engrossed　by　British　domestic　questions　as　to　lose　the　opportunity
which　his　tenure　of　power　from　time　to　time　gave　him　of　averting
approaching　dangers。　　Those　who　know　how　tremendous　is　the　strain
which　the　headship　of　a　cabinet　and　the　leadership　of　the　House　of
Commons　impose　will　understand；　though　they　will　not　cease　to
regret；　this　omission。

Such　a　record　is　the　best　proof　of　the　capacity　for　initiative　which
belonged　to　him　and　in　which　men　of　high　oratorical　gifts　have　often
been　wanting。　　In　the　Neapolitan　case；　in　the　Alabama　case；　in　the
Bulgarian　case；　no　less　than　in　the　adoption　of　the　policy　of　a
separate　legislature　and　executive　for　Ireland；　he　acted　from　his
own　convictions；　with　no　suggestion　of　encouragement　from　his　party；
and　in　the　last　instancesthose　of　Ireland　and　of　Bulgariahe　took
a　course　which　seemed　to　the　English　political　world　so　novel　and
even　startling　that　no　ordinary　statesman　would　have　ventured　on　it。

His　courage　was　indeed　one　of　the　most　striking　parts　of　his
character。　　It　was　not　the　rashness　of　an　impetuous　nature；　for；
impetuous　as　he　was　when　stirred　by　some　sudden　excitement；　he　was
wary　and　cautious　whenever　he　took　a　deliberate　survey　of　the
conditions　that　surrounded　him。　　It　was　the　proud　self…confidence　of
a　strong　character；　which　was　willing　to　risk　fame　and　fortune　in
pursuing　a　course　it　had　once　resolved　upon；　a　character　which　had
faith　in　its　own　conclusions；　and　in　the　success　of　a　cause
consecrated　by　principle；　a　character　which　obstacles　did　not
affright　or　deter；　but　rather　roused　to　a　higher　combative　energy。
Few　English　statesmen　have　done　anything　so　bold　as　was　Mr。
Gladstone's　declaration　for　Irish　home　rule　in　1886。　　He　took　not
only　his　political　power　but　the　fame　and　credit　of　his　whole　past
life　in　his　hand　when　he　set　out　on　this　new　journey　at　seventy…
seven　years　of　age；　for　it　was　quite　possible　that　the　great　bulk　of
his　party　might　refuse　to　follow　him；　and　he　be　left　exposed　to
derision　as　the　chief　of　an　insignificant　group。　　It　turned　out　that
the　great　bulk　of　the　party　did　follow　him；　though　many　of　the　most
influential　and　socially　important　refused　to　do　so。　　But　neither
Mr。　Gladstone　nor　any　one　else　could　have　foretold　this　when　his
intentions　were　first　announced。

Two　faults　natural　to　a　strong　man　and　an　excitable　man　were
commonly　charged　on　himan　overbearing　disposition　and　an　irritable
temper。　　Neither　charge　was　well　founded。　　Masterful　he　certainly
was；　both　in　speech　and　in　action。　　His　ardent　manner；　the　intensity
of　his　look；　the　dialectical　vigor　with　which　he　pressed　an
argument；　were　apt　to　awe　people　who　knew　him　but　slightly；　and　make
them　abandon　resistance　even　when　they　were　unconvince