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67。 Seld。 Soc。 ii。 III。
68。 Augment。 Court Rolls； Portf xxiii。 No。 94； m。 25 v。 （the entry is not in the Selden volume）： 'Margeria que fuit uxor Nicholai de Aula de Kingesripton venit et petit unum parvum mesuagium existens in manu domini quod quondam fuit de mesuagio Suo proprio et quod ipsa Margeria singulis annis defendit versus dominum Abbatem； unde petit quod ius suum super hoc inquiratur per bonam inquisicionem。 Que venit et dicit。。。 Et ideo preceptum eidem quod inde habeat colloquium cum domino。 Et postea colloquio habito cum domino concessum est ei quod pacifice habeat faciendo seruicia inde debita et consueta。'
69。 Selden Soc。 ii。 127。
70。 Selden Soc。 ii。 173。
71。 Ibid。 94： 'Reginaldus fil。 Benedicti injuste dedicit esse unus de 12 jurator ibus allegando libertatem。。。 Dicunt eciam quod Willelmus de Bernewell injuste allegat libertatem propter quam contradicit esse unus de juratis。' Cf Cor。 Rege incerti anni Johann。 5： Predecessores sui et ipse tenuerunt liberum tcnementum et quod quidam ex juratis sunt consuetudinarii monialium。' Cor。 Rege Pascha； 9 Edw。 I； 34； b： '（Amerciamentum sochemanni） per pares vel per liberos de curia et vicinos ad curiam venientes。'
72。 Hereford Rolls （Bodleian）； 12： 'Compertum per libere tenentes quod custumarii falso presentant。。。 ideo custumarii in misericordia。' Rot。 Hundr。 ii。 469： 'Quatuor homines et prepositus presentabant defaltas predictis liberis hominibus et ipsi liberi presentabant ballivis。'
73。 Seld。 Soc。 ii。 44。
74。 Introduction to Seld。 Soc。 ii。 p。 lxx。
75。 Seld。 Soc。 ii。 67。
76。 Ibid。 164。
77。 See as to all this Mr Maitland's Introduction to the Selden volume （ii）； pp lxix； lxx。
78。 Introd。 to Selden Soc。 ii。 p。 lxi； and following。 Comp。 Coram Rege； 27 Henry III； 2： 'Dicunt quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comnitatus。'
79。 Y。B。 21…22 Edw。 I； 526 （Rolls Series）。
80。 Comp。 Mr Maitland in his often…quoted Introduction； p。 lxxi。
81。 Introduction to Seld。 Soc。 ii。 p。 lxvi。
82。 Archaeologia； vol。 47； p。 27； and following。
83。 Rot。 Hundr。； Cartulary of Ramsey； i。
84。 Gomme； Village Community； 162； etc。
85。 Cart。 of Malmesbury （Rolls Ser。）； ii； 221。
86。 A very good case in point is presented by Hitchin； because the boundaries and the jurisdiction of the manor comprise a great number of villages and hamlets which managed their open fields quite independently of the central township of Hitchin； and could not but do so； as they lay quite apart and a good way from it； as may be seen on the Ordnance Map。 And still the manor comprises； the township of Hitchin and the hamlet of Walsworth； the lesser manors of the Rectory of Hitchin； of Moremead； otherwise Charlton； and of the Priory of the Biggin； being comprehended within the boundaries of the said manor of Hitchin； which also extends into the hamlets of Langley and Preston in the said parish of Hitchin； and into the parishes of Ickleford； Ipolitts； Kimpton； Kingswalden； and Offley。' （Seebohm； Village Community； 443； 444：） As Mr Seebohm tells me； the con。 trast between the central portion； that of the township； managed in one open field system； and the outlying parts； is probably reflected in the curious denominations of the manor as Portman and Foreign。 It is well known how frequently our surveys mention hamlets； in many cases these annexes of townships arc so widely scattered； that it would be impossible to suppose one open field system for them。
87。 Seld。 Soc。 ii。 68； 90。
88。 lbid。 162； I66。
89。 Introd。 to Seld。 Soc。 ii。 p。 xxxix。
Chapter 6
The Manor and the Village Community
Conclusions
If we look at the village life of mediaeval England； not for the purpose of dissecting it into its constitutive elements； but in order that we may detect the principles that hold it together and organise it as a whole； we shall be struck by several features which make it quite unlike the present arrangement of rural society。 Even a casual observer will not fail to perceive the contrast which it presents to that free play of individual interests and that undisputed supremacy of the state in political matters； which are so characteristic of the present time。 And on the other hand there is just as sharp a contrast between the manorial system and a system of tribal relationships based on blood relationship and its artificial outgrowths； and yet again it may be contrasted with a village community built upon the basis of equal partnership among free members。 It is evident； at the same time； that such differences； deep though they are； cannot be treated as primordial and absolute divisions。 All these systems are but stages of development； after all； and the most important problem concerning them is the problem of their origins and mutual relations。 The main road towards its solution lies undoubtedly through the demesne of strictly historical investigation。 Should we succeed in tracing with clearness the consecutive stages of the process and the intermediate links between them； the most important part of the work will have been done。 This is simple enough； and seems hardly worth mentioning。 But things are not so plain as they look。 To begin with； even a complete knowledge of the sequence of events would not be sufficient since it would merely present a series of arrangements following upon each other in time and not a chain of causes and effects。 We cannot exempt ourselves from the duty of following up the investigation by speculations as to the agencies and motives which produced the changes。 But even apart from the necessity of taking up ultimately what one may call the dynamic thread of the inquiry； there is considerable difficulty。 In obtaining a tolerably settled sequence of general facts to start with。 Any one who has had to do with such studies knows how scanty the information about the earlier phenomena is apt to be； how difficult it is to distinguish between the main forms and the variations which mediate and lead from one to another。 The task of settling a definite theory of development would not have been so arduous； and the conflicting views of scholars would not have suggested such directly opposite results； if the early data had not been so scattered and so ambiguous。 The state of the existing material requires a method of treatment which may to some extent supplement the defects in the evidence。 The later and well…recorded period ought to be made to supply additional information as to the earlier and imperfectly described ones。 It is from this point of view that we must once more survey the ground that we have been exploring in the foregoing pages。 The first general feature that meets our eye is the cultivation of arable on the open…field system： the land tilled is not parcelled up by enclosures； but lies open through the whole or the greater part of the year； the plot held and tilled by a single cultivator is not a compact piece； but is composed of strips strewn about in all parts of the village fields and intermixed with patches or strips possessed by fellow villagers。 Now； both facts are remarkable。 They do not square at all with the rules and tendencies of private ownership and individualistic husbandry。 The individual proprietor will naturally try to fence in his plot against strangers； to set up hedges and walls that would render trespassing over his ground difficult； if not impossible。 And he could not but consider intermixture as a downright nuisance； and strive by all means in his power to get rid of it。 Why should he put up with the inconvenience of holding a bundle of strips lying far apart from each other； more or less dependent because of their narrowness on the dealings of neighbours； who may be untidy and unthrifty？ Instead of having one block of soil to look to and a comparatively short boundary to maintain； every occupier has a number of scattered pieces to care for； and neighbours； who not only surround； but actually cut up； dismember； invade his tenement。 The open…field system stands in glaring contradiction with the present state of private rights in Western Europe； and no wonder that it has been abolished everywhere； except on some few tracts of land kept back by geographical conditions from joining the movement of modern civilisation。 And even in mediaeval history we perceive that the arrangement does not keep its hold on those occasions when the rights of individuals。 are strongly felt： it gives way on the demesne farm and on newly reclaimed land。 At the same time； the absence of perpetual enclosures and the intermixture of strips are in a general way quite prevalent at the present time in the East of Europe。 What conditions do they correspond to？ Why have nations living in very different climates and on very different soils adopted the open…field system again and again in spite of all inconveniences and without having borrowed it from each other？ There is absolutely nothing in the manorial arrangement to occasion this curious system。 It is not the fact that peasant holdings are made subservient to the wants of the lord's estate； that can explain why early agriculture is in the main a culture of open fields and involves a marvellous intermixture of rights。 The absence of any logical connexion between these two things settles the question as to historical influence。 The open…field arrangement is； I repeat it； no lax or indifferent system； but stringent and highly peculiar。 And so it cannot but proceed from some pressing necessity。 It is evidently communal in its very essence。 Every trait that makes it strange and inconvenient from the point of view of individualistic interests； renders it highly appropriate to a state of things ruled by communal conceptions。 It is difficult to prevent trespasses upon an open plot； but the plot must be open； if many people besides the tiller have rights over it； pasture rights； for instance。 It involves great loss of time and difficulty of supervision to work a property that lies in thirty separate pieces all over the territory of a village； but such a disposition is remarkably well adapted for the purpose of assigning to fellow villagers equal shares in the arable。 It is grievous to depend on your neighbours for the proceeds and re
