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!!!!隆堋響頼��紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響��
race the whole American character and people。
The wise Romans never allowed a triumph to a Roman general for victories�察�however brilliant�察�won over Romans。 In civil war�察�the victory won by the government troops is held to be a victory for the country�察�in which all parties are victors�察�and nobody is vanquished。 It was as truly for the good of the secessionists to fail�察�as it was for those�察�who sustained the government to succeed�察�and the government having forced their submission and vindicated its own author´ 337 ity�察�it should now leave them to enjoy�察 �with others�察�the victory which it his won for the common good of all。 When war becomes a stern necessity�察�when it breaks out�察�and while it lasts�察�humanity requires it to be waged in earnest�察 �prosecuted with vigor�察�and made as damaging�察�as distressful to the enemy as the laws of civilized nations permit。 It is the way to bring it to a speedy close�察�and to save life and property。 But when it is over�察�when the enemy submits�察�and peace returns�察 �the vanquished should be treated with gentleness and love。 No rancor should remain�察�no vengeance should be sought�察�they who met in mortal conflict on the battle´field should be no longer enemies�察�but embrace as comrades�察�as friends�察�as brothers。 None but a coward kicks a fallen foe�察�a brave people is generous�察�and the victors in the late war can afford to be generous generously。 They fought for the Union�察�and the Union has no longer an enemy�察 �their late enemies are willing and proud to be their countrymen�察 �fellow´citizens�察�and friends�察�and they should look to it that small politicians do not rob them in the eyes of the world�察�by unnecessary and ill´timed severity to the submissive�察�of the glory of being�察�as they are�察�a great�察�noble�察�chivalric�察�generous�察 �and magnanimous people。
338 The government and the small politicians�察�who usually are the most influential with all governments�察�should remember that none of the secessionists�察�however much in error they have been�察�have committed the moral crime of treason。 They held�察�with the majority of the American people�察�the doctrine of State sovereignty�察�and on that doctrine they had a right to secede�察�and have committed no treason�察�been guilty of no rebellion。 That was�察�indeed�察�no reason why the government should not use all its force�察�if necessary�察�to preserve the national unity and the integrity of the national domain�察�but it is a reason�察�and a sufficient reason�察�why no penalty of treason should be inflicted on secessionists or their leaders�察�after their submission�察�and recognition of the sovereignty of the United States as that to which they owe allegiance。 None of the secessionists have been rebels or traitors�察�except in outward act�察�and there can�察�after the act has ceased�察�be no just punishment where there has been no criminal intent。 Treason is the highest crime�察�and deserves exemplary punishment�察�but not where there has been no treasonable intent�察�where they who committed it did not believe it was treason�察�and on principles held by the majority of their countrymen�察�and by the party that had gener´ 339 ally held the government�察�there really was no treason。 Concede State sovereignty�察�and Jefferson Davis was no traitor in the war he made on the United States�察�for he made none till his State had seceded。 He could not then be arraigned for his acts after secession�察�and at most�察�only for conspiracy�察�if at all�察�before secession。
But�察�if you permit all to vote in the re´organization of the State who�察�under the old electoral law�察�have the elective franchise�察�you throw the State into the hands of those who have been disloyal to the Union。 If so�察�and you cannot trust them�察 �the remedy is not in disfranchising the majority�察�but in prohibiting re´organization�察�and in holding the territorial people still longer under the provisional government�察�civil or military。 The old electoral law disqualifies all who have been convicted of treason either to the State or the United States�察 �and neither Congress nor the Executive can declare any others disqualified on account of disloyalty。 But you must throw the State into the hands of those who took part�察�directly or indirectly�察�in the rebellion�察�if you reconstruct the States at all�察�for they are undeniably the great body of the territorial people in all the States that seceded。 These people having submitted�察�and declared their intention to reconstruct the State as a 340 State in the Union�察�you must amend the constitution of the United States�察�unless they are convicted of a disqualifying crime by due process of law�察�before you can disfranchise them。 It is impossible to reconstruct any one of the disorganized States with those alone�察�or as the dominant party�察�who have adhered to the Union throughout the fearful struggle�察�as self´governing States。 The State�察�resting on so small a portion of the people�察�would have no internal strength�察�no self´support�察�and could stand only as upheld by federal arms�察�which would greatly impair the free and healthy action of the whole American system。
The government attempted to do it in Virginia�察�Louisiana�察 �Arkansas�察�and Tennessee�察�before the rebellion was suppressed�察�but without authority and without success。 The organizations�察 �effected at great expense�察�and sustained only by military force�察 �were neither States nor State governments�察�nor capable of being made so by any executive or congressional action。 If the disorganized States�察�as the government held�察�were still States in the Union�察�these organizations were flagrantly revolutionary�察�as effected not only without�察�but in defiance of State authority�察�if they had seceded and ceased to be States�察�as was the fact�察�they were equally 341 unconstitutional and void of authority�察�because not created by the free suffrage of the territorial people�察�who alone are competent to construct or reconstruct a state。
If the Unionists had retained the State organization and government�察�however small their number�察�they would have held the State�察�and the government would have been bound to recognize and to defend them as such with all the force of the Union。 The rebellion would then have been personal�察�not territorial。 But such was not the case。 The State organization�察�the State government�察�the whole State authority rebelled�察�made the rebellion territorial�察�not personal�察�and left the Unionists�察�very respectable persons assuredly�察�residing�察�if they remained at home�察�in rebel territory�察�traitors in the eye of their respective States�察�and shorn of all political status or rights。 Their political status was simply that of the old loyalists�察�or adherents of the British crown in the American war for Independence�察�and it was as absurd to call them the State�察�as it would have been for Great Britain to have called the old Tories the colonies。
The theory on which the government attempted to re´organize the disorganized States rested on two false assumptions�此�first�察�that the 342 people are personally sovereign�察�and�察�second�察�that all the power of the Union vests in the General government。 The first�察 �as we have seen�察�is the principle of so´called ;squatter sovereignty�察─�embodied in the famous Kansas´Nebraska Bill�察�which gave birth�察�in opposition�察�to the Republican party of 1856。 The people are sovereign only as the State�察�and the State is inseparable from the domain。 The Unionists without the State government�察�without any State organization�察�could not hold the domain�察�which�察�when the State organization is gone�察�escheats to the United States�察�that is to say�察�ceases to exist。 The American democracy is territorial�察�not personal。
The General government�察�in time of war or rebellion�察�is indeed invested�察�for war purposes�察�with all the power of the Union。 This is the war power。 But�察�though apparently unlimited�察�the war power is yet restricted to war purposes�察�and expires by natural limitation when peace returns�撮察�and peace returns�察�in a civil war�察�when the rebels have thrown down their arms and submitted to the national authority�察�and without any formal declaration。 During the war�察�or while the rebellion lasts�察�it can suspend the civil courts�察�the civil laws�察�the State constitutions�察�any thing necessary to the success of the 343 warand of the necessity the military authorities are the judges�察�but it cannot abolish�察 �abrogate�察�or reconstitute them。 On the return of peace they revive of themselves in all their vigor。 The emancipation proclamation of the President�察�if it emancipated the slaves in certain States and parts of States�察�and if those whom it emancipated could not be re´enslaved�察�did not anywhere abolish slavery�察�or change the laws authorizing it�察�and if the Government should be sustained by Congress or by the Supreme Court in counting the disorganized States as States in the Union�察�the legal status of slavery throughout the Union�察�with the exception of Maryland�察�and perhaps Missouri�察�is what it was before the war。*
The Government undoubtedly supposed�察�in the reconstructions it attempted�察�that it was acting under the war power�察�but as reconstruction can never be necessary for war purposes�察�and as it is in its very nature a work of peace�察�incapable of being effected by military force�察�since its validity depends entirely on its being the free action of the territorial people to be reconstructed�察�the General government had and could have�察�with regard to it�察�only its ordinary
* This was the case in August�察�1865。 It may be quite otherwise before these pages see the light。
344 peace powers。 Reconstruction is jure pacis�察�not jure belli。
Yet such illegal organizations�察�though they are neither States nor State governments�察�and incapable of being legalized by any action of the Executive or of Congress�察�may�察�nevertheless�察�be legalized by being indorsed or acquiesced in by the territorial people。 They are wrong�察�as are all usurpations�察�they are undemocratic�察�inasmuch as they attempt to give the minority the power to rule the majority�察�they are dangerous inasmuch as th