representative government-第30部分

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ent　that　it　is　not　likely　to　be　soon　or　willingly　adopted：　but　as　the　time　will　certainly　arrive　when　the　only　choice　will　be　between　this　and　equal　universal　suffrage；　whoever　does　not　desire　the　last；　cannot　too　soon　begin　to　reconcile　himself　to　the　former。　In　the　meantime；　though　the　suggestion；　for　the　present；　may　not　be　a　practical　one；　it　will　serve　to　mark　what　is　best　in　principle；　and　enable　us　to　judge　of　the　eligibility　of　any　indirect　means；　either　existing　or　capable　of　being　adopted；　which　may　promote　in　a　less　perfect　manner　the　same　end。　A　person　may　have　a　double　vote　by　other　means　than　that　of　tendering　two　votes　at　the　same　hustings；　he　may　have　a　vote　in　each　of　two　different　constituencies：　and　though　this　exceptional　privilege　at　present　belongs　rather　to　superiority　of　means　than　of　intelligence；　I　would　not　abolish　it　where　it　exists；　since　until　a　truer　test　of　education　is　adopted　it　would　be　unwise　to　dispense　with　even　so　imperfect　a　one　as　is　afforded　by　pecuniary　circumstances。　Means　might　be　found　of　giving　a　further　extension　to　the　privilege；　which　would　connect　it　in　a　more　direct　manner　with　superior　education。　In　any　future　Reform　Bill　which　lowers　greatly　the　pecuniary　conditions　of　the　suffrage；　it　might　be　a　wise　provision　to　allow　all　graduates　of　universities；　all　persons　who　have　passed　creditably　through　the　higher　schools；　all　members　of　the　liberal　professions；　and　perhaps　some　others；　to　be　registered　specifically　in　those　characters；　and　to　give　their　votes　as　such　in　any　constituency　in　which　they　choose　to　register；　retaining；　in　addition；　their　votes　as　simple　citizens　in　the　localities　in　which　they　reside。　　　Until　there　shall　have　been　devised；　and　until　opinion　is　willing　to　accept；　some　mode　of　plural　voting　which　may　assign　to　education；　as　such；　the　degree　of　superior　influence　due　to　it；　and　sufficient　as　a　counterpoise　to　the　numerical　weight　of　the　least　educated　class；　for　so　long　the　benefits　of　completely　universal　suffrage　cannot　be　obtained　without　bringing　with　them；　as　it　appears　to　me；　a　chance　of　more　than　equivalent　evils。　It　is　possible；　indeed　（and　this　is　perhaps　one　of　the　transitions　through　which　we　may　have　to　pass　in　our　progress　to　a　really　good　representative　system）；　that　the　barriers　which　restrict　the　suffrage　might　be　entirely　levelled　in　some　particular　constituencies；　whose　members；　consequently；　would　be　returned　principally　by　manual　labourers；　the　existing　electoral　qualification　being　maintained　elsewhere；　or　any　alteration　in　it　being　accompanied　by　such　a　grouping　of　the　constituencies　as　to　prevent　the　labouring　class　from　becoming　preponderant　in　Parliament。　By　such　a　compromise；　the　anomalies　in　the　representation　would　not　only　be　retained；　but　augmented：　this　however　is　not　a　conclusive　objection；　for　if　the　country　does　not　choose　to　pursue　the　right　ends　by　a　regular　system　directly　leading　to　them；　it　must　be　content　with　an　irregular　makeshift；　as　being　greatly　preferable　to　a　system　free　from　irregularities；　but　regularly　adapted　to　wrong　ends；　or　in　which　some　ends　equally　necessary　with　the　others　have　been　left　out。　It　is　a　far　graver　objection；　that　this　adjustment　is　incompatible　with　the　intercommunity　of　local　constituencies　which　Mr。　Hare's　plan　requires；　that　under　it　every　voter　would　remain　imprisoned　within　the　one　or　more　constituencies　in　which　his　name　is　registered；　and　unless　willing　to　be　represented　by　one　of　the　candidates　for　those　localities；　would　not　be　represented　at　all。　　　So　much　importance　do　I　attach　to　the　emancipation　of　those　who　already　have　votes；　but　whose　votes　are　useless；　because　always　outnumbered；　so　much　should　I　hope　from　the　natural　influence　of　truth　and　reason；　if　only　secured　a　hearing　and　a　competent　advocacy　that　I　should　not　despair　of　the　operation　even　of　equal　and　universal　suffrage；　if　made　real　by　the　proportional　representation　of　all　minorities；　on　Mr。　Hare's　principle。　But　if　the　best　hopes　which　can　be　formed　on　this　subject　were　certainties；　I　should　still　contend　for　the　principle　of　plural　voting。　I　do　not　propose　the　plurality　as　a　thing　in　itself　undesirable；　which；　like　the　exclusion　of　part　of　the　community　from　the　suffrage；　may　be　temporarily　tolerated　while　necessary　to　prevent　greater　evils。　I　do　not　look　upon　equal　voting　as　among　the　things　which　are　good　in　themselves；　provided　they　can　be　guarded　against　inconveniences。　I　look　upon　it　as　only　relatively　good；　less　objectionable　than　inequality　of　privilege　grounded　on　irrelevant　or　adventitious　circumstances；　but　in　principle　wrong；　because　recognising　a　wrong　standard；　and　exercising　a　bad　influence　on　the　voter's　mind。　It　is　not　useful；　but　hurtful；　that　the　constitution　of　the　country　should　declare　ignorance　to　be　entitled　to　as　much　political　power　as　knowledge。　The　national　institutions　should　place　all　things　that　they　are　concerned　with　before　the　mind　of　the　citizen　in　the　light　in　which　it　is　for　his　good　that　he　should　regard　them：　and　as　it　is　for　his　good　that　he　should　think　that　every　one　is　entitled　to　some　influence；　but　the　better　and　wiser　to　more　than　others；　it　is　important　that　this　conviction　should　be　professed　by　the　State；　and　embodied　in　the　national　institutions。　Such　things　constitute　the　spirit　of　the　institutions　of　a　country：　that　portion　of　their　influence　which　is　least　regarded　by　common；　and　especially　by　English；　thinkers；　though　the　institutions　of　every　country；　not　under　great　positive　oppression；　produce　more　effect　by　their　spirit　than　by　any　of　their　direct　provisions；　since　by　it　they　shape　the　national　character。　The　American　institutions　have　imprinted　strongly　on　the　American　mind　that　any　one　man　（with　a　white　skin）　is　as　good　as　any　other；　and　it　is　felt　that　this　false　creed　is　nearly　connected　with　some　of　the　more　unfavourable　points　in　American　character。　It　is　not　small　mischief　that　the　constitution　of　any　country　should　sanction　this　creed；　for　the　belief　in　it；　whether　express　or　tacit；　is　almost　as　detrimental　to　moral　and　intellectual　excellence　any　effect　which　most　forms　of　government　can　produce。　　　It　may；　perhaps；　be　said；　that　a　constitution　which　gives　equal　influence；　man　for　man；　to　the　most　and　to　the　least　instructed；　is　nevertheless　conducive　to　progress；　because　the　appeals　constantly　made　to　the　less　instructed　classes；　the　exercise　given　to　their　mental　powers；　and　the　exertions　which　the　more　instructed　are　obliged　to　make　for　enlightening　their　judgment　and　ridding　them　of　errors　and　prejudices；　are　powerful　stimulants　to　their　advance　in　intelligence。　That　this　most　desirable　effect　really　attends　the　admission　of　the　less　educated　classes　to　some；　and　even　to　a　large　share　of　power；　I　admit；　and　have　already　strenuously　maintained。　But　theory　and　experience　alike　prove　that　a　counter　current　sets　in　when　they　are　made　the　possessors　of　all　power。　Those　who　are　supreme　over　everything；　whether　they　be　One；　or　Few；　or　Many；　have　no　longer　need　of　the　arms　of　reason：　they　can　make　their　mere　will　prevail；　and　those　who　cannot　be　resisted　are　usually　far　too　well　satisfied　with　their　own　opinion　to　be　willing　to　change　them；　or　listen　without　impatience　to　any　one　who　tells　them　that　they　are　in　the　wrong。　The　position　which　gives　the　strongest　stimulus　to　the　growth　of　intelligence　is　that　of　rising　into　power；　not　that　of　having　achieved　it；　and　of　all　resting…points；　temporary　or　permanent；　in　the　way　to　ascendancy；　the　one　which　develops　the　best　and　highest　qualities　is　the　position　of　those　who　are　strong　enough　to　make　reason　prevail；　but　not　strong　enough　to　prevail　against　reason。　This　is　the　position　in　which；　according　to　the　principles　we　have　laid　down；　the　rich　and　the　poor；　the　much　and　the　little　educated；　and　all　the　other　classes　and　denominations　which　divide　society　between　them；　ought　as　far　as　practicable　to　be　placed。　And　by　combining　this　principle　with　the　otherwise　just　one　of　allowing　superiority　of　weight　to　superiority　of　mental　qualities；　a　political　constitution　would　realise　that　kind　of　relative　perfection　which　is　alone　compatible　with　the　complicated　nature　of　human　affairs。

　　In　the　preceding　argument　for　universal；　but　graduated　suffrage；　I　have　taken　no　account　of　difference　of　sex。　I　consider　it　to　be　as　entirely　irrelevant　to　political　rights　as　difference　in　height　or　in　the　colour　of　the　hair。　All　human　beings　have　the　same　interest　in　good　government；　the　welfare　of　all　is　alike　affected　by　it；　and　they　have　equal　need　of　a　voice　in　it　to　secure　their　share　of　its　benefits。　If　there　be　any　difference；　women　require　it　more　than　men；　since；　being　physically　weaker；　they　are　more　dependent　on　law　and　society　for　protection。　Mankind　have　long　since　abandoned　the　only　premises　which　will　support　the　conclusion　that　women　ought　not　to　have　votes。　No　one　now　holds　that　women　should　be　in　personal　servitude；　that　they　should　have　no　thought；　wish；　or　occupation；　but　to　be　the　domestic　drudges　of　husbands；　fathers；　or　brothers。　It　is　allowed　to　unmarried；　and　wants　but　little　of　being　conceded　to　married　women；　to　hold　property；　and　have　pecuniary　and　business　interests；　in　the　same　manner　as　men。　It　is　considered　suitable　and　proper　that　women　should　think　and　write；　and　be　teachers。　As　soon　as　these　things　are　admitted；　the　political　disqualification　has　no　principle　to　rest　on。　The　whole　mode　of　thought　of　the　modern　world　is　with　increasing　emphasis　pronouncing　against　the　claim　of　society　to　decide　for　individuals　what　they　are　and　are　not　fit　for；　and　what　they　shall　and　shall　not　be　allowed　to　attempt。　If　the　principles　of　modern　politics　and　political　economy　are　good　for　anything；　it　is　for　proving　that　these　points　can　only　be　rightly　judged　of　by　the　individuals　themselves　and　that；　under　complete　freedom　of　choice；　wherever　there　are　real　diversities　of　aptitude；　the　great　number　will　apply　themselves　to　the　things　for　which　they　are　on　the　average　fittest；　and　the　exceptional　course　will　only　be　taken　by　the　exceptions。　Either　the　whole　tendency　of　modern　social　improvements　has　been　wrong；　or　it　ought　to　be　carried　out　to　the　total　abolition　of　all　exclusions　and　disabilities　which　close　any　hone