representative government-第31部分

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ght　to　be　carried　out　to　the　total　abolition　of　all　exclusions　and　disabilities　which　close　any　honest　employment　to　a　human　being。　　　But　it　is　not　even　necessary　to　maintain　so　much　in　order　to　prove　that　women　should　have　the　suffrage。　Were　it　as　right；　as　it　is　wrong；　that　they　should　be　a　subordinate　class；　confined　to　domestic　occupations　and　subject　to　domestic　authority；　they　would　not　the　less　require　the　protection　of　the　suffrage　to　secure　them　from　the　abuse　of　that　authority。　Men；　as　well　as　women；　do　not　need　political　rights　in　order　that　they　may　govern；　but　in　order　that　they　may　not　be　misgoverned。　The　majority　of　the　male　sex　are；　and　will　be　all　their　lives；　nothing　else　than　labourers　in　cornfields　or　manufactories；　but　this　does　not　render　the　suffrage　less　desirable　for　them；　nor　their　claim　to　it　less　irresistible；　when　not　likely　to　make　a　bad　use　of　it。　Nobody　pretends　to　think　that　woman　would　make　a　bad　use　of　the　suffrage。　The　worst　that　is　said　is　that　they　would　vote　as　mere　dependents；　the　bidding　of　their　male　relations。　If　it　be　so；　so　let　it　be。　If　they　think　for　themselves；　great　good　will　be　done；　and　if　they　do　not；　no　harm。　It　is　a　benefit　to　human　beings　to　take　off　their　fetters；　even　if　they　do　not　desire　to　walk。　It　would　already　be　a　great　improvement　in　the　moral　position　of　women　to　be　no　longer　declared　by　law　incapable　of　an　opinion；　and　not　entitled　to　a　preference；　respecting　the　most　important　concerns　of　humanity。　There　would　be　some　benefit　to　them　individually　in　having　something　to　bestow　which　their　male　relatives　cannot　exact；　and　are　yet　desirous　to　have。　It　would　also　be　no　small　benefit　that　the　husband　would　necessarily　discuss　the　matter　with　his　wife；　and　that　the　vote　would　not　be　his　exclusive　affair；　but　a　joint　concern。　People　do　not　sufficiently　consider　how　markedly　the　fact　that　she　is　able　to　have　some　action　on　the　outward　world　independently　of　him　raises　her　dignity　and　value　in　a　vulgar　man's　eyes；　and　makes　her　the　object　of　a　respect　which　no　personal　qualities　would　ever　obtain　for　one　whose　social　existence　he　can　entirely　appropriate。　　　The　vote　itself；　too；　would　be　improved　in　quality。　The　man　would　often　be　obliged　to　find　honest　reasons　for　his　vote；　such　as　might　induce　a　more　upright　and　impartial　character　to　serve　with　him　under　the　same　banner。　The　wife's　influence　would　often　keep　him　true　to　his　own　sincere　opinion。　Often；　indeed；　it　would　be　used；　not　on　the　side　of　public　principle；　but　of　the　personal　interest　or　worldly　vanity　of　the　family。　But　wherever　this　would　be　the　tendency　of　the　wife's　influence；　it　is　exerted　to　the　full　already　in　that　bad　direction；　and　with　the　more　certainty；　since　under　the　present　law　and　custom　she　is　generally　too　utter　a　stranger　to　politics　in　any　sense　in　which　they　involve　principle　to　be　able　to　realise　to　herself　that　there　is　a　point　of　honour　in　them；　and　most　people　have　as　little　sympathy　in　the　point　of　honour　of　others；　when　their　own　is　not　placed　in　the　same　thing；　as　they　have　in　the　religious　feelings　of　those　whose　religion　differs　from　theirs。　Give　the　woman　a　vote；　and　she　comes　under　the　operation　of　the　political　point　of　honour。　She　learns　to　look　on　politics　as　a　thing　on　which　she　is　allowed　to　have　an　opinion；　and　in　which　if　one　has　an　opinion　it　ought　to　be　acted　upon；　she　acquires　a　sense　of　personal　accountability　in　the　matter；　and　will　no　longer　feel；　as　she　does　at　present；　that　whatever　amount　of　bad　influence　she　may　exercise；　if　the　man　can　but　be　persuaded；　all　is　right；　and　his　responsibility　covers　all。　It　is　only　by　being　herself　encouraged　to　form　an　opinion；　and　obtain　an　intelligent　comprehension　of　the　reasons　which　ought　to　prevail　with　the　conscience　against　the　temptations　of　personal　or　family　interest；　that　she　can　ever　cease　to　act　as　a　disturbing　force　on　the　political　conscience　of　the　man。　Her　indirect　agency　can　only　be　prevented　from　being　politically　mischievous　by　being　exchanged　for　direct。　　　I　have　supposed　the　right　of　suffrage　to　depend；　as　in　a　good　state　of　things　it　would；　on　personal　conditions。　Where　it　depends；　as　in　this　and　most　other　countries；　on　conditions　of　property；　the　contradiction　is　even　more　flagrant。　There　something　more　than　ordinarily　irrational　in　the　fact　that　when　a　woman　can　give　all　the　guarantees　required　from　a　male　elector；　independent　circumstances；　the　position　of　a　householder　and　head　of　a　family；　payment　of　taxes；　or　whatever　may　be　the　conditions　imposed；　the　very　principle　and　system　of　a　representation　based　on　property　is　set　aside；　and　an　exceptionally　personal　disqualification　is　created　for　the　mere　purpose　of　excluding　her。　When　it　is　added　that　in　the　country　where　this　is　done　a　woman　now　reigns；　and　that　the　most　glorious　ruler　whom　that　country　ever　had　was　a　woman；　the　picture　of　unreason；　and　scarcely　disguised　injustice；　is　complete。　Let　us　hope　that　as　the　work　proceeds　of　pulling　down；　one　after　another；　the　remains　of　the　mouldering　fabric　of　monopoly　and　tyranny；　this　one　will　not　be　the　last　to　disappear；　that　the　opinion　of　Bentham；　of　Mr。　Samuel　Bailey；　of　Mr。　Hare；　and　many　other　of　the　most　powerful　political　thinkers　of　this　age　and　country　（not　to　speak　of　others）；　will　make　its　way　to　all　minds　not　rendered　obdurate　by　selfishness　or　inveterate　prejudice；　and　that；　before　the　lapse　another　generation；　the　accident　of　sex；　no　more　than　the　accident　of　skin；　will　be　deemed　a　sufficient　justification　for　depriving　its　possessor　of　the　equal　protection　and　just　privileges　of　a　citizen。　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter　9　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Should　there　be　Two　Stages　of　Election？

　　IN　SOME　representative　constitutions　the　plan　has　been　adopted　of　choosing　the　members　of　the　representative　body　by　a　double　process；　the　primary　electors　only　choosing　other　electors；　and　these　electing　the　member　of　parliament。　This　contrivance　was　probably　intended　as　a　slight　impediment　to　the　full　sweep　of　popular　feeling；　giving　the　suffrage；　and　with　it　the　complete　ultimate　power；　to　the　Many；　but　compelling　them　to　exercise　it　through　the　agency　of　a　comparatively　few；　who；　it　was　supposed；　would　be　less　moved　than　the　Demos　by　the　gusts　of　popular　passion；　and　as　the　electors；　being　already　a　select　body；　might　be　expected　to　exceed　in　intellect　and　character　the　common　level　of　their　constituents；　the　choice　made　by　them　was　thought　likely　to　be　more　careful　and　enlightened；　and　would　in　any　case　be　made　under　a　greater　feeling　of　responsibility；　than　election　by　the　masses　themselves。　This　plan　of　filtering；　as　it　were；　the　popular　suffrage　through　an　intermediate　body　admits　of　a　very　plausible　defence；　since　it　may　be　said；　with　great　appearance　of　reason；　that　less　intellect　and　instruction　are　required　for　judging　who　among　our　neighbours　can　be　most　safely　trusted　to　choose　a　member　of　parliament；　than　who　is　himself　fittest　to　be　one。　　　In　the　first　place；　however；　if　the　dangers　incident　to　popular　power　may　be　thought　to　be　in　some　degree　lessened　by　this　indirect　arrangement；　so　also　are　its　benefits；　and　the　latter　effect　is　much　more　certain　than　the　former。　To　enable　the　system　to　work　as　desired；　it　must　be　carried　into　effect　in　the　spirit　in　which　it　is　planned；　the　electors　must　use　the　suffrage　in　the　manner　supposed　by　the　theory；　that　is；　each　of　them　must　not　ask　himself　who　the　member　of　parliament　should　be；　but　only　whom　he　would　best　like　to　choose　one　for　him。　It　is　evident　that　the　advantages　which　indirect　is　supposed　to　have　over　direct　election　require　this　disposition　of　mind　in　the　voter；　and　will　only　be　realised　by　his　taking　the　doctrine　au　serieux；　that　his　sole　business　is　to　choose　the　choosers；　not　the　member　himself。　The　supposition　must　be；　that　he　will　not　occupy　his　thoughts　with　political　opinions　and　measures；　or　political　men；　but　will　be　guided　by　his　personal　respect　for　some　private　individual；　to　whom　he　will　give　a　general　power　of　attorney　to　act　for　him。　Now　if　the　primary　electors　adopt　this　view　of　their　position；　one　of　the　principal　uses　of　giving　them　a　vote　at　all　is　defeated：　the　political　function　to　which　they　are　called　fails　of　developing　public　spirit　and　political　intelligence；　of　making　public　affairs　an　object　of　interest　to　their　feelings　and　of　exercise　to　their　faculties。　The　supposition；　moreover；　involves　inconsistent　conditions；　for　if　the　voter　feels　no　interest　in　the　final　result；　how　or　why　can　he　be　expected　to　feel　any　in　the　process　which　leads　to　it？　To　wish　to　have　a　particular　individual　for　his　representative　in　parliament　is　possible　to　a　person　of　a　very　moderate　degree　of　virtue　and　intelligence；　and　to　wish　to　choose　an　elector　who　will　elect　that　individual　is　a　natural　consequence：　but　for　a　person　does　not　care　who　is　elected；　or　feels　bound　to　put　that　consideration　in　abeyance；　to　take　any　interest　whatever　in　merely　naming　the　worthiest　person　to　elect　another　according　to　his　own　judgment；　implies　a　zeal　for　what　is　right　in　the　abstract；　an　habitual　principle　of　duty　for　the　sake　of　duty；　which　is　possible　only　to　persons　of　a　rather　high　grade　of　cultivation；　who；　by　the　very　possession　of　it；　show　that　they　may　be；　and　deserve　to　be；　trusted　with　political　power　in　a　more　direct　shape。　Of　all　public　functions　which　it　is　possible　to　confer　on　the　poorer　members　of　the　community　this　surely　is　the　least　calculated　to　kindle　their　feelings；　and　holds　out　least　natural　inducement　to　care　for　it；　other　than　a　virtuous　determination　to　discharge　conscientiously　whatever　duty　one　has　to　perform：　and　if　the　mass　of　electors　cared　enough　about　political　affairs　to　set　any　value　on　so　limited　a　participation　in　them；　they　would　not　be　likely　to　be　satisfied　without　one　much　more　extensive。　　　In　the　next　place；　admitting　that　a　person　who；　from　his　narrow　range　of　cultivation；　cannot　judge　well　of　the　qualifications　of　a　candidate　for　parliament　may　be　a　sufficient　judge　of　the　honesty　and　general　capacity　of　somebody　whom　he　may　depute　to　choose　a　member　of　Parliament　for　him；　I　may　remark；　that　if　the　voter　acquiesces　in　this　estimate　of　his　capabilities；　and　really　wishes　to　have　the　choice　made　for　him　by　a　person　in