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sacrificed　to　it；　even　according　to　the　mercantile　ideas　of　that

interest。　It　was　for　the　interest　of　the　merchants　to　pay　as

little　as　possible　for　the　foreign　which　they　sent　to　the

colonies；　and；　consequently；　to　get　back　as　much　as　possible　of

the　duties　which　they　advanced　upon　their　importation　into　Great

Britain。　They　might　thereby　be　enabled　to　sell　in　the　colonies

either　the　same　quantity　of　goods　with　a　greater　profit；　or　a

greater　quantity　with　the　same　profit；　and；　consequently；　to　gain

something　either　in　the　one　way　or　the　other。　It　was　likewise　for

the　interest　of　the　colonies　to　get　all　such　goods　as　cheap　and

in　as　great　abundance　as　possible。　But　this　might　not　always　be

for　the　interest　of　the　mother　country。　She　might　frequently

suffer　both　in　her　revenue；　by　giving　back　a　great　part　of　the

duties　which　had　been　paid　upon　the　importation　of　such　goods；

and　in　her　manufactures；　by　being　undersold　in　the　colony　market；

in　consequence　of　the　easy　terms　upon　which　foreign　manufactures

could　be　carried　thither　by　means　of　those　drawbacks。　The

progress　of　the　linen　manufacture　of　Great　Britain；　it　is

commonly　said；　has　been　a　good　deal　retarded　by　the　drawbacks

upon　the　re…exportation　of　German　linen　to　the　American　colonies。

　　　　　But　though　the　policy　of　Great　Britain　with　regard　to　the

trade　of　her　colonies　has　been　dictated　by　the　same　mercantile

spirit　as　that　of　other　nations；　it　has；　however；　upon　the　whole；

been　less　illiberal　and　oppressive　than　that　of　any　of　them。

　　　　　In　everything；　except　their　foreign　trade；　the　liberty　of

the　English　colonists　to　manage　their　own　affairs　their　own　way

is　complete。　It　is　in　every　respect　equal　to　that　of　their

fellow…citizens　at　home；　and　is　secured　in　the　same　manner；　by　an

assembly　of　the　representatives　of　the　people；　who　claim　the　sole

right　of　imposing　taxes　for　the　support　of　the　colony　government。

The　authority　of　this　assembly　overawes　the　executive　power；　and

neither　the　meanest　nor　the　most　obnoxious　colonist；　as　long　as

he　obeys　the　law；　has　anything　to　fear　from　the　resentment；

either　of　the　governor　or　of　any　other　civil　or　military　officer

in　the　province。　The　colony　assemblies　though；　like　the　House　of

Commons　in　England；　are　not　always　a　very　equal　representation　of

the　people；　yet　they　approach　more　nearly　to　that　character；　and

as　the　executive　power　either　has　not　the　means　to　corrupt　them；

or；　on　account　of　the　support　which　it　receives　from　the　mother

country；　is　not　under　the　necessity　of　doing　so；　they　are　perhaps

in　general　more　influenced　by　the　inclinations　of　their

constituents。　The　councils　which；　in　the　colony　legislatures；

correspond　to　the　House　of　Lords　in　Great　Britain；　are　not

composed　of　an　hereditary　nobility。　In　some　of　the　colonies；　as

in　three　of　the　governments　of　New　England；　those　councils　are

not　appointed　by　the　king；　but　chosen　by　the　representatives　of

the　people。　In　none　of　the　English　colonies　is　there　any

hereditary　nobility。　In　all　of　them；　indeed；　as　in　all　other　free

countries；　the　descendant　of　an　old　colony　family　is　more

respected　than　an　upstart　of　equal　merit　and　fortune；　but　he　is

only　more　respected；　and　he　has　no　privileges　by　which　he　can　be

troublesome　to　his　neighbours。　Before　the　commencement　of　the

present　disturbances；　the　colony　assemblies　had　not　only　the

legislative　but　a　part　of　the　executive　power。　In　Connecticut　and

Rhode　Island；　they　elected　the　governor。　In　the　other　colonies

they　appointed　the　revenue　officers　who　collected　the　taxes

imposed　by　those　respective　assemblies；　to　whom　those　officers

were　immediately　responsible。　There　is　more　equality；　therefore；

among　the　English　colonists　than　among　the　inhabitants　of　the

mother　country。　Their　manners　are　more　republican；　and　their

governments；　those　of　three　of　the　provinces　of　New　England　in

particular；　have　hitherto　been　more　republican　too。

　　　　　The　absolute　governments　of　Spain；　Portugal；　and　France；　on

the　contrary；　take　place　in　their　colonies；　and　the　discretionary

powers　which　such　governments　commonly　delegate　to　all　their

inferior　officers　are；　on　account　of　the　great　distance；

naturally　exercised　there　with　more　than　ordinary　violence。　Under

all　absolute　governments　there　is　more　liberty　in　the　capital

than　in　any　other　part　of　the　country。　The　sovereign　himself　can

never　have　either　interest　or　inclination　to　pervert　the　order　of

justice；　or　to　oppress　the　great　body　of　the　people。　In　the

capital　his　presence　overawes　more　or　less　all　his　inferior

officers；　who　in　the　remoter　provinces；　from　whence　the

complaints　of　the　people　are　less　likely　to　reach　him；　can

exercise　their　tyranny　with　much　more　safety。　But　the　European

colonies　in　America　are　more　remote　than　the　most　distant

provinces　of　the　greatest　empires　which　had　ever　been　known

before。　The　government　of　the　English　colonies　is　perhaps　the

only　one　which；　since　the　world　began；　could　give　perfect

security　to　the　inhabitants　of　so　very　distant　a　province。　The

administration　of　the　French　colonies；　however；　has　always　been

conducted　with　more　gentleness　and　moderation　than　that　of　the

Spanish　and　Portugese。　This　superiority　of　conduct　is　suitable

both　to　the　character　of　the　French　nation；　and　to　what　forms　the

character　of　every　nation；　the　nature　of　their　government；　which

though　arbitrary　and　violent　in　comparison　with　that　of　Great

Britain；　is　legal　and　free　in　comparison　with　those　of　Spain　and

Portugal。

　　　　　It　is　in　the　progress　of　the　North　American　colonies；

however；　that　the　superiority　of　the　English　policy　chiefly

appears。　The　progress　of　the　sugar　colonies　of　France　has　been　at

least　equal；　perhaps　superior；　to　that　of　the　greater　part　of

those　of　England；　and　yet　the　sugar　colonies　of　England　enjoy　a

free　government　nearly　of　the　same　kind　with　that　which　takes

place　in　her　colonies　of　North　America。　But　the　sugar　colonies　of

France　are　not　discouraged；　like　those　of　England；　from　refining

their　own　sugar；　and；　what　is　of　still　greater　importance；　the

genius　of　their　government　naturally　introduces　a　better

management　of　their　negro　slaves。

　　　　　In　all　European　colonies　the　culture　of　the　sugar…cane　is

carried　on　by　negro　slaves。　The　constitution　of　those　who　have

been　born　in　the　temperate　climate　of　Europe　could　not；　it　is

supposed；　support　the　labour　of　digging　the　ground　under　the

burning　sun　of　the　West　Indies；　and　the　culture　of　the　sugarcane；

as　it　is　managed　at　present；　is　all　hand　labour；　though；　in　the

opinion　of　many；　the　drill　plough　might　be　introduced　into　it

with　great　advantage。　But；　as　the　profit　and　success　of　the

cultivation　which　is　carried　on　by　means　of　cattle；　depend　very

much　upon　the　good　management　of　those　cattle；　so　the　profit　and

success　of　that　which　is　carried　on　by　slaves　must　depend　equally

upon　the　good　management　of　those　slaves；　and　in　the　good

management　of　their　slaves　the　French　planters；　I　think　it　is

generally　allowed；　are　superior　to　the　English。　The　law；　so　far

as　it　gives　some　weak　protection　to　the　slave　against　the

violence　of　his　master；　is　likely　to　be　better　executed　in　a

colony　where　the　government　is　in　a　great　measure　arbitrary　than

in　one　where　it　is　altogether　free。　In　every　country　where　the

unfortunate　law　of　slavery　is　established；　the　magistrate；　when

he　protects　the　slave；　intermeddles　in　some　measure　in　the

management　of　the　private　property　of　the　master；　and；　in　a　free

country；　where　the　master　is　perhaps　either　a　member　of　the

colony　assembly；　or　an　elector　of　such　a　member；　he　dare　not　do

this　but　with　the　greatest　caution　and　circumspection。　The

respect　which　he　is　obliged　to　pay　to　the　master　renders　it　more

difficult　for　him　to　protect　the　slave。　But　in　a　country　where

the　government　is　in　a　great　measure　arbitrary；　where　it　is　usual

for　the　magistrate　to　intermeddle　even　in　the　management　of　the

private　property　of　individuals；　and　to　send　them；　perhaps；　a

lettre　de　cachet　if　they　do　not　manage　it　according　to　his

liking；　it　is　much　easier　for　him　to　give　some　protection　to　the

slave；　and　common　humanity　naturally　disposes　him　to　do　so。　The

protection　of　the　magistrate　renders　the　slave　less　contemptible

in　the　eyes　of　his　master；　who　is　thereby　induced　to　consider　him

with　more　regard；　and　to　treat　him　with　more　gentleness。　Gentle

usage　renders　the　slave　not　only　more　faithful；　but　more

intelligent；　and　therefore；　upon　a　double　account；　more　useful。

He　approaches　more　to　the　condition　of　a　free　servant；　and　may

possess　some　degree　of　integrity　and　attachment　to　his　master's

interest；　virtues　which　frequently　belong　to　free　servants；　but

which　never　can　belong　to　a　slave　who　is　treated　as　slaves

commonly　are　in　countries　where　the　master　is　perfectly　free　and

secure。

　　　　　That　the　condition　of　a　slave　is　better　under　an　arbitrary

than　under　a　free　government　is；　I　believe；　supported　by　the

history　of　all　ages　and　nations。　In　the　Roman　history；　the　first

time　we　read　of　the　magistrate　interposing　to　protect　the　slave

from　the　violence　of　his　master　is　under　the　emperors。　When

Vedius　Pollio；　in　the　presence　of　Augustus；　ordered　one　of　his

slaves；　who　had　committed　a　slight　fault；　to　be　cut　into　pieces

and　thrown　into　his　fish　pond　in　order　to　feed　his　fishes；　the

emperor　commanded　him；　with　indignation；　to　emancipate

immediately；　not　only　that　slave；　but　all　the　others　that

belonged　to　him。　Under　the　republic　no　magistrate　could　have　had

authority　enough　to　protect　the　slave；　much　less　to　punish　the

master。

　　　　　The　stock；　it　is　to　be　observed；　which　has　improved　the

sugar　colonies　of　France；　particularly　the　great　colony　of　St。

Domingo；　has　been　raised　almost　entirely　from　the　gradual

improvement　and　cultivation　of　those　colonies。　It　has　been　almost

altogether　the　produce　of　the　soil　and　of　the　industry　of　the

colonies；　or；　what　comes　to　the　same　thing；　the　price　of　that

produce　gradually　accumulated　by　good　management；　and　employed　in

raising　a　still　greater　produce。　But　the　stock　which　has　im