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part　of　the　citizens；　or　those　who　governed　the　greater　part　of

them；　fought　in　defence　of　their　own　importance；　which　they

foresaw　was　to　be　at　an　end　whenever　the　ancient　government

should　be　re…established。　Our　colonies；　unless　they　can　be

induced　to　consent　to　a　union；　are　very　likely　to　defend

themselves　against　the　best　of　all　mother　countries　as

obstinately　as　the　city　of　Paris　did　against　one　of　the　best　of

kings。

　　　　　The　idea　of　representation　was　unknown　in　ancient　times。

When　the　people　of　one　state　were　admitted　to　the　right　of

citizenship　in　another；　they　had　no　other　means　of　exercising

that　right　but　by　coming　in　a　body　to　vote　and　deliberate　with

the　people　of　that　other　state。　The　admission　of　the　greater　part

of　the　inhabitants　of　Italy　to　the　privileges　of　Roman　citizens

completely　ruined　the　Roman　republic。　It　was　no　longer　possible

to　distinguish　between　who　was　and　who　was　not　a　Roman　citizen。

No　tribe　could　know　its　own　members。　A　rabble　of　any　kind　could

be　introduced　into　the　assemblies　of　the　people；　could　drive　out

the　real　citizens；　and　decide　upon　the　affairs　of　the　republic　as

if　they　themselves　had　been　such。　But　though　America　were　to　send

fifty　or　sixty　new　representatives　to　Parliament；　the　doorkeeper

of　the　House　of　Commons　could　not　find　any　great　difficulty　in

distinguishing　between　who　was　and　who　was　not　a　member。　Though

the　Roman　constitution；　therefore；　was　necessarily　ruined　by　the

union　of　Rome　with　the　allied　states　of　Italy；　there　is　not　the

least　probability　that　the　British　constitution　would　be　hurt　by

the　union　of　Great　Britain　with　her　colonies。　That　constitution；

on　the　contrary；　would　be　completed　by　it；　and　seems　to　be

imperfect　without　it。　The　assembly　which　deliberates　and　decides

concerning　the　affairs　of　every　part　of　the　empire；　in　order　to

be　properly　informed；　ought　certainly　to　have　representatives

from　every　part　of　it　That　this　union；　however；　could　be　easily

effectuated；　or　that　difficulties　and　great　difficulties　might

not　occur　in　the　execution；　I　do　not　pretend。　I　have　yet　heard　of

none；　however；　which　appear　insurmountable。　The　principal　perhaps

arise；　not　from　the　nature　of　things；　but　from　the　prejudices　and

opinions　of　the　people　both　on　this　and　on　the　other　side　of　the

Atlantic。

　　　　　We；　on　this　side　of　the　water；　are　afraid　lest　the　multitude

of　American　representatives　should　overturn　the　balance　of　the

constitution；　and　increase　too　much　either　the　influence　of　the

crown　on　the　one　hand；　or　the　force　of　the　democracy　on　the

other。　But　if　the　number　of　American　representatives　were　to　be

in　proportion　to　the　produce　of　American　taxation；　the　number　of

people　to　be　managed　would　increase　exactly　in　proportion　to　the

means　of　managing　them；　and　the　means　of　managing　to　the　number

of　people　to　be　managed。　The　monarchical　and　democratical　parts

of　the　constitution　would；　after　the　union；　stand　exactly　in　the

same　degree　of　relative　force　with　regard　to　one　another　as　they

had　done　before。

　　　　　The　people　on　the　other　side　of　the　water　are　afraid　lest

their　distance　from　the　seat　of　government　might　expose　them　to

many　oppressions。　But　their　representatives　in　Parliament；　of

which　the　number　ought　from　the　first　to　be　considerable；　would

easily　be　able　to　protect　them　from　all　oppression。　The　distance

could　not　much　weaken　the　dependency　of　the　representative　upon

the　constituent；　and　the　former　would　still　feel　that　he　owed　his

seat　in　Parliament；　and　all　the　consequences　which　he　derived

from　it；　to　the　good　will　of　the　latter。　It　would　be　the　interest

of　the　former；　therefore；　to　cultivate　that　good　will　by

complaining；　with　all　the　authority　of　a　member　of　the

legislature；　of　every　outrage　which　any　civil　or　military　officer

might　be　guilty　of　in　those　remote　parts　of　the　empire。　The

distance　of　America　from　the　seat　of　government；　besides；　the

natives　of　that　country　might　flatter　themselves；　with　some

appearance　of　reason　too；　would　not　be　of　very　long　continuance。

Such　has　hitherto　been　the　rapid　progress　of　that　country　in

wealth；　population；　and　improvement；　that　in　the　course　of　little

more　than　a　century；　perhaps；　the　produce　of　American　might

exceed　that　of　British　taxation。　The　seat　of　the　empire　would

then　naturally　remove　itself　to　that　part　of　the　empire　which

contributed　most　to　the　general　defence　and　support　of　the　whole。

　　　　　The　discovery　of　America；　and　that　of　a　passage　to　the　East

Indies　by　the　Cape　of　Good　Hope；　are　the　two　greatest　and　most

important　events　recorded　in　the　history　of　mankind。　Their

consequences　have　already　been　very　great；　but；　in　the　short

period　of　between　two　and　three　centuries　which　has　elapsed　since

these　discoveries　were　made；　it　is　impossible　that　the　whole

extent　of　their　consequences　can　have　been　seen。　What　benefits　or

what　misfortunes　to　mankind　may　hereafter　result　from　those　great

events；　no　human　wisdom　can　foresee。　By　uniting；　in　some　measure；

the　most　distant　parts　of　the　world；　by　enabling　them　to　relieve

one　another's　wants；　to　increase　one　another's　enjoyments；　and　to

encourage　one　another's　industry；　their　general　tendency　would

seem　to　be　beneficial。　To　the　natives　however；　both　of　the　East

and　West　Indies；　all　the　commercial　benefits　which　can　have

resulted　from　those　events　have　been　sunk　and　lost　in　the

dreadful　misfortunes　which　they　have　occasioned。　These

misfortunes；　however；　seem　to　have　arisen　rather　from　accident

than　from　anything　in　the　nature　of　those　events　themselves。　At

the　particular　time　when　these　discoveries　were　made；　the

superiority　of　force　happened　to　be　so　great　on　the　side　of　the

Europeans　that　they　were　enabled　to　commit　with　impunity　every

sort　of　injustice　in　those　remote　countries。　Hereafter；　perhaps；

the　natives　of　those　countries　may　grow　stronger；　or　those　of

Europe　may　grow　weaker；　and　the　inhabitants　of　all　the　different

quarters　of　the　world　may　arrive　at　that　equality　of　courage　and

force　which；　by　inspiring　mutual　fear；　can　alone　overawe　the

injustice　of　independent　nations　into　some　sort　of　respect　for

the　rights　of　one　another。　But　nothing　seems　more　likely　to

establish　this　equality　of　force　than　that　mutual　communication

of　knowledge　and　of　all　sorts　of　improvements　which　an　extensive

commerce　from　all　countries　to　all　countries　naturally；　or　rather

necessarily；　carries　along　with　it。

　　　　　In　the　meantime　one　of　the　principal　effects　of　those

discoveries　has　been　to　raise　the　mercantile　system　to　a　degree

of　splendour　and　glory　which　it　could　never　otherwise　have

attained　to。　It　is　the　object　of　that　system　to　enrich　a　great

nation　rather　by　trade　and　manufactures　than　by　the　improvement

and　cultivation　of　land；　rather　by　the　industry　of　the　towns　than

by　that　of　the　country。　But；　in　consequence　of　those　discoveries；

the　commercial　towns　of　Europe；　instead　of　being　the

manufacturers　and　carriers　for　but　a　very　small　part　of　the　world

（that　part　of　Europe　which　is　washed　by　the　Atlantic　Ocean；　and

the　countries　which　lie　round　the　Baltic　and　Mediterranean　seas）；

have　now　become　the　manufacturers　for　the　numerous　and　thriving

cultivators　of　America；　and　the　carriers；　and　in　some　respects

the　manufacturers　too；　for　almost　all　the　different　nations　of

Asia；　Africa；　and　America。　Two　new　worlds　have　been　opened　to

their　industry；　each　of　them　much　greater　and　more　extensive　than

the　old　one；　and　the　market　of　one　of　them　growing　still　greater

and　greater　every　day。

　　　　　The　countries　which　possess　the　colonies　of　America；　and

which　trade　directly　to　the　East　Indies；　enjoy；　indeed；　the　whole

show　and　splendour　of　this　great　commerce。　Other　countries；

however；　notwithstanding　all　the　invidious　restraints　by　which　it

is　meant　to　exclude　them；　frequently　enjoy　a　greater　share　of　the

real　benefit　of　it。　The　colonies　of　Spain　and　Portugal；　for

example；　give　more　real　encouragement　to　the　industry　of　other

countries　than　to　that　of　Spain　and　Portugal。　In　the　single

article　of　linen　alone　the　consumption　of　those　colonies　amounts；

it　is　said；　but　I　do　not　pretend　to　warrant　the　quantity；　to　more

than　three　millions　sterling　a　year。　But　this　great　consumption

is　almost　entirely　supplied　by　France；　Flanders；　Holland；　and

Germany。　Spain　and　Portugal　furnish　but　a　small　part　of　it。　The

capital　which　supplies　the　colonies　with　this　great　quantity　of

linen　is　annually　distributed　among；　and　furnishes　a　revenue　to

the　inhabitants　of；　those　other　countries。　The　profits　of　it　only

are　spent　in　Spain　and　Portugal；　where　they　help　to　support　the

sumptuous　profusion　of　the　merchants　of　Cadiz　and　Lisbon。

　　　　　Even　the　regulations　by　which　each　nation　endeavours　to

secure　to　itself　the　exclusive　trade　of　its　own　colonies　are

frequently　more　hurtful　to　the　countries　in　favour　of　which　they

are　established　than　to　those　against　which　they　are　established。

The　unjust　oppression　of　the　industry　of　other　countries　falls

back；　if　I　may　say　so；　upon　the　heads　of　the　oppressors；　and

crushes　their　industry　more　than　it　does　that　of　those　other

countries。　By　those　regulations　for　example；　the　merchant　of

Hamburg　must　send　the　linen　which　he　destines　for　the　American

market　to　London；　and　he　must　bring　back　from　thence　the　tobacco

which　he　destines　for　the　German　market；　because　he　can　neither

send　the　one　directly　to　America　nor　bring　back　the　other

directly　from　thence。　By　this　restraint　he　is　probably　obliged　to

sell　the　one　somewhat　cheaper；　and　to　sell　the　one　somewhat

cheaper；　and　to　buy　the　other　somewhat　dearer　than　he　otherwise

might　have　done；　and　his　profits　are　probably　somewhat　abridged

by　means　of　it。　In　this　trade；　however；　between　Hamburg　and

London；　he　certainly　receives　the　returns　of　his　capital　much

more　quickly　than　he　could　possibly　have　done　in　the　direct　trade

to　America；　even　though　we　should　suppose；　what　is　by　no　means

the　case；　that　the　payments　of　America　were　as　punctual　as　those

of　London。　In　the　trade；　therefore；　to　which　those　regulations

confine　the　merch