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incapable　of　taking　any　legacy　devised　to　him　within　this

kingdom；　or　of　being　executor　or　administrator　to　any　person；　or

of　taking　any　lands　within　this　kingdom　by　descent；　device；　or

purchase。　He　likewise　forfeits　to　the　king　all　his　lands；　goods；

and　chattels；　is　declared　an　alien　in　every　respect；　and　is　put

out　of　the　king's　protection。

　　　　　It　is　unnecessary；　I　imagine；　to　observe　how　contrary　such

regulations　are　to　the　boasted　liberty　of　the　subject；　of　which

we　affect　to　be　so　very　jealous；　but　which；　in　this　case；　is　so

plainly　sacrificed　to　the　futile　interests　of　our　merchants　and

manufacturers。

　　　　　The　laudable　motive　of　all　these　regulations　is　to　extend

our　own　manufactures；　not　by　their　own　improvement；　but　by　the

depression　of　those　of　all　our　neighbours；　and　by　putting　an　end；

as　much　as　possible；　to　the　troublesome　competition　of　such

odious　and　disagreeable　rivals。　Our　master　manufacturers　think　it

reasonable　that　they　themselves　should　have　the　monopoly　of　the

ingenuity　of　all　their　countrymen。　Though　by　restraining；　in　some

trades；　the　number　of　apprentices　which　can　be　employed　at　one

time；　and　by　imposing　the　necessity　of　a　long　apprenticeship　in

all　trades；　they　endeavour；　all　of　them；　to　confine　the　knowledge

of　their　respective　employments　to　as　small　a　number　as　possible；

they　are　unwilling；　however；　that　any　part　of　this　small　number

should　go　abroad　to　instruct　foreigners。

　　　　　Consumption　is　the　sole　end　and　purpose　of　all　production；

and　the　interest　of　the　producer　ought　to　be　attended　to　only　so

far　as　it　may　be　necessary　for　promoting　that　of　the　consumer。

The　maxim　is　so　perfectly　self　evident　that　it　would　be　absurd　to

attempt　to　prove　it。　But　in　the　mercantile　system　the　interest　of

the　consumer　is　almost　constantly　sacrificed　to　that　of　the

producer；　and　it　seems　to　consider　production；　and　not

consumption；　as　the　ultimate　end　and　object　of　all　industry　and

commerce。

　　　　　In　the　restraints　upon　the　importation　of　all　foreign

commodities　which　can　come　into　competition　with　those　of　our　own

growth　or　manufacture；　the　interest　of　the　home　consumer　is

evidently　sacrificed　to　that　of　the　producer。　It　is　altogether

for　the　benefit　of　the　latter　that　the　former　is　obliged　to　pay

that　enhancement　of　price　which　this　monopoly　almost　always

occasions。

　　　　　It　is　altogether　for　the　benefit　of　the　producer　that

bounties　are　granted　upon　the　exportation　of　some　of　his

productions。　The　home　consumer　is　obliged　to　pay；　first；　the　tax

which　is　necessary　for　paying　the　bounty；　and　secondly；　the　still

greater　tax　which　necessarily　arises　from　the　enhancement　of　the

price　of　the　commodity　in　the　home　market。

　　　　　By　the　famous　treaty　of　commerce　with　Portugal；　the　consumer

is　prevented　by　high　duties　from　purchasing　of　a　neighbouring

country　a　commodity　which　our　own　climate　does　not　produce；　but

is　obliged　to　purchase　it　of　a　distant　country；　though　it　is

acknowledged　that　the　commodity　of　the　distant　country　is　of　a

worse　quality　than　that　of　the　near　one。　The　home　consumer　is

obliged　to　submit　to　this　inconveniency　in　order　that　the

producer　may　import　into　the　distant　country　some　of　his

productions　upon　more　advantageous　terms　than　he　would　otherwise

have　been　allowed　to　do。　The　consumer；　too；　is　obliged　to　pay

whatever　enhancement　in　the　price　if　those　very　productions　this

forced　exportation　may　occasion　in　the　home　market。

　　　　　But　in　the　system　of　laws　which　has　been　established　for　the

management　of　our　American　and　West　Indian　colonies；　the　interest

of　the　home　consumer　has　been　sacrificed　to　that　of　the　producer

with　a　more　extravagant　profusion　than　in　all　our　other

commercial　regulations。　A　great　empire　has　been　established　for

the　sole　purpose　of　raising　up　a　nation　of　customers　who　should

be　obliged　to　buy　from　the　shops　of　our　different　producers　all

the　goods　with　which　these　could　supply　them。　For　the　sake　of

that　little　enhancement　of　price　which　this　monopoly　might　afford

our　producers；　the　home　consumers　have　been　burdened　with　the

whole　expense　of　maintaining　and　defending　that　empire。　For　this

purpose；　and　for　this　purpose　only；　in　the　two　last　wars；　more

than　two　hundred　millions　have　been　spent；　and　a　new　debt　of　more

than　a　hundred　and　seventy　millions　has　been　contracted　over　and

above　all　that　had　been　expended　for　the　same　purpose　in　former

wars。　The　interest　of　this　debt　alone　is　not　only　greater　than

the　whole　extraordinary　profit　which　it　ever　could　be　pretended

was　made　by　the　monopoly　of　the　colony　trade；　but　than　the　whole

value　of　that　trade；　or　than　the　whole　value　of　the　goods　which

at　an　average　have　been　annually　exported　to　the　colonies。

　　　　　It　cannot　be　very　difficult　to　determine　who　have　been　the

contrivers　of　this　whole　mercantile　system；　not　the　consumers；　we

may　believe；　whose　interest　has　been　entirely　neglected；　but　the

producers；　whose　interest　has　been　so　carefully　attended　to；　and

among　this　latter　class　our　merchants　and　manufacturers　have　been

by　far　the　principal　architects。　In　the　mercantile　regulations；

which　have　been　taken　notice　of　in　this　chapter；　the　interest　of

our　manufacturers　has　been　most　peculiarly　attended　to；　and　the

interest；　not　so　much　of　the　consumers；　as　that　of　some　other

sets　of　producers；　has　been　sacrificed　to　it。



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　CHAPTER　IX



Of　the　Agricultural　Systems；　or　of　those　Systems　of　Political

Economy　which　represent　the　Produce　of　Land　as　either　the　sole　or

the　principal　Source　of　the　Revenue　and　Wealth　every　Country　



　　　　　THE　agricultural　systems　of　political　economy　will　not

require　so　long　an　explanation　as　that　which　I　have　thought　it

necessary　to　bestow　upon　the　mercantile　or　commercial　system。

　　　　　That　system　which　represents　the　produce　of　land　as　the　sole

source　of　the　revenue　and　wealth　of　every　country　has；　so　far　as

I　know；　never　been　adopted　by　any　nation；　and　it　at　present

exists　only　in　the　speculations　of　a　few　men　of　great　learning

and　ingenuity　in　France。　It　would　not；　surely；　be　worth　while　to

examine　at　great　length　the　errors　of　a　system　which　never　has

done；　and　probably　never　will　do；　any　harm　in　any　part　of　the

world。　I　shall　endeavour　to　explain；　however；　as　distinctly　as　I

can；　the　great　outlines　of　this　very　ingenious　system。

　　　　　Mr。　Colbert；　the　famous　minister　of　Louis　XIV；　was　a　man　of

probity；　of　great　industry　and　knowledge　of　detail；　of　great

experience　and　acuteness　in　the　examination　of　public　accounts；

and　of　abilities；　in　short；　every　way　fitted　for　introducing

method　and　good　order　into　the　collection　and　expenditure　of　the

public　revenue。　That　minister　had　unfortunately　embraced　all　the

prejudices　of　the　mercantile　system；　in　its　nature　and　essence　a

system　of　restraint　and　regulation；　and　such　as　could　scarce　fail

to　be　agreeable　to　a　laborious　and　plodding　man　of　business；　who

had　been　accustomed　to　regulate　the　different　departments　of

public　offices；　and　to　establish　the　necessary　checks　and

controls　for　confining　each　to　its　proper　sphere。　The　industry

and　commerce　of　a　great　country　he　endeavoured　to　regulate　upon

the　same　model　as　the　departments　of　a　public　office；　and　instead

of　allowing　every　man　to　pursue　his　own　interest　in　his　own　way；

upon　the　liberal　plan　of　equality；　liberty；　and　justice；　he

bestowed　upon　certain　branches　of　industry　extraordinary

privileges；　while　he　laid　others　under　as　extraordinary

restraints。　He　was　not　only　disposed；　like　other　European

ministers；　to　encourage　more　the　industry　of　the　towns　than　that

of　the　country；　but；　in　order　to　support　the　industry　of　the

towns；　he　was　willing　even　to　depress　and　keep　down　that　of　the

country。　In　order　to　render　provisions　cheap　to　the　inhabitants

of　the　towns；　and　thereby　to　encourage　manufactures　and　foreign

commerce；　he　prohibited　altogether　the　exportation　of　corn；　and

thus　excluded　the　inhabitants　of　the　country　from　every　foreign

market　for　by　far　the　most　important　part　of　the　produce　of　their

industry。　This　prohibition；　joined　to　the　restraints　imposed　by

the　ancient　provincial　laws　of　France　upon　the　transportation　of

corn　from　one　province　to　another；　and　to　the　arbitrary　and

degrading　taxes　which　are　levied　upon　the　cultivators　in　almost

all　the　provinces；　discouraged　and　kept　down　the　agriculture　of

that　country　very　much　below　the　state　to　which　it　would

naturally　have　risen　in　so　very　fertile　a　soil　and　so　very　happy

a　climate。　This　state　of　discouragement　and　depression　was　felt

more　or　less　in　every　different　part　of　the　country；　and　many

different　inquiries　were　set　on　foot　concerning　the　causes　of　it。

One　of　those　causes　appeared　to　be　the　preference　given；　by　the

institutions　of　Mr。　Colbert；　to　the　industry　of　the　towns　above

that　of　the　country。

　　　　　If　the　rod　be　bent　too　much　one　way；　says　the　proverb；　in

order　to　make　it　straight　you　must　bend　it　as　much　the　other。　The

French　philosophers；　who　have　proposed　the　system　which

represents　agriculture　as　the　sole　source　of　the　revenue　and

wealth　of　every　country；　seem　to　have　adopted　this　proverbial

maxim；　and　as　in　the　plan　of　Mr。　Colbert　the　industry　of　the

towns　was　certainly　overvalued　in　comparison　with　that　of　the

country；　so　in　their　system　it　seems　to　be　as　certainly

undervalued。

　　　　　The　different　orders　of　people　who　have　ever　been　supposed

to　contribute　in　any　respect　towards　the　annual　produce　of　the

land　and　labour　of　the　country；　they　divide　into　three　classes。

The　first　is　the　class　of　the　proprietors　of　land。　The　second　is

the　class　of　the　cultivators；　of　farmers　and　country　labourers；

whom　they　honour　with　the　peculiar　appellation　of　the　productive

class。　The　third　is　the　class　of　artificers；　manufacturers；　and

merchants；　whom　they　endeavour　to　degrade　by　the　humiliating

appellation　of　the　barren　or　unproductive　class。

　　　　　The　class　of　proprietors　contributes　to　the　annual　produce

by　the　expense　which　they　may　occasionally　lay　out　upon　the

improvement　of　the　land；　upon　the　buildings；　dr