the writings-5-第22部分
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person; however distinguished; other than the thirty…nine fathers who
framed the original Constitution; and; for the same reason; I have
also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any
of the 〃thirty tine〃 even on any other phase of the general question
of slavery。 If we should look into their acts and declarations on
those other phases; as the foreign slave trade; and the morality and
policy of slavery generally; it would appear to us that on the direct
question of Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories; the
sixteen; if they had acted at all; would probably have acted just as
the twenty…three did。 Among that sixteen were several of the most
noted anti…slavery men of those timesas Dr。 Franklin; Alexander
Hamilton; and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to
have been otherwise; unless it may be John Rutledge; of South
Carolina。
The sum of the whole is; that of our thirty…nine fathers who framed
the original Constitution; twenty…onea clear majority of the
wholecertainly understood that no proper division of local from
Federal authority; nor any part of the Constitution; forbade the
Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories;
whilst all the rest probably had the same understanding。 Such;
unquestionably; was the understanding of our fathers who framed the
original Constitution; and the text affirms that they understood the
question 〃better than we。〃
But; so far; I have been considering the understanding of the
question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution。 In
and by the original instrument; a mode was provided for amending it;
and; as I have already stated; the present frame of 〃the Government
under which we live〃 consists of that original; and twelve amendatory
articles framed and adopted since。 Those who now insist that Federal
control of slavery in Federal Territories violates the Constitution;
point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and;
as I understand; they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory
articles; and not in the original instrument。 The Supreme Court; in
the Dred Scott case; plant themselves upon the fifth amendment; which
provides that no person shall be deprived of 〃life; liberty; or
property without due process of law〃; while Senator Douglas and his
peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment;
providing that 〃the powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution〃 〃are reserved to the States respectively; or to the
people。〃
Now; it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first
Congress which sat under the Constitutionthe identical Congress
which passed the act already mentioned; enforcing the prohibition of
slavery in the Northwestern Territory。 Not only was it the same
Congress; but they were the identical same individual men who; at the
same session; and at the same time within the session; had under
consideration; and in progress toward maturity; these Constitutional
amendments; and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the
nation then owned。 The Constitutional amendments were introduced
before and passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so
that; during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance;
the Constitutional amendments were also pending。
The seventy…six members of that Congress; including sixteen of the
framers of the original Constitution; as before stated; were
pre…eminently our fathers who framed that part of 〃the Government
under which we live;〃 which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal
Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories。
Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that
the two things which that Congress deliberately framed; and carried
to maturity at the same time; are absolutely inconsistent with each
other? And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when
coupled with the other affirmation from the same mouth; that those
who did the two things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether
they really were inconsistent better than webetter than he who
affirms that they are inconsistent?
It is surely safe to assume that the thirty…nine framers of the
original Constitution; and the seventy…six members of the Congress
which framed the amendments thereto; taken together; do certainly
include those who may be fairly called 〃our fathers who framed the
Government under which we live。〃 And; so assuming; I defy any man to
show that any one of them ever; in his whole life; declared that; in
his understanding; any proper division of local from Federal
authority; or any part of the Constitution; forbade the Federal
Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories。 I go
a step further。 I defy any one to show that any living man in the
world ever did; prior to the beginning of the present century (and I
might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the
present century); declare that; in his understanding; any proper
division of local from Federal authority; or any part of the
Constitution; forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery
in the Federal Territories。 To those who now so declare; I give not
only 〃our fathers who framed the Government under which we live;〃 but
with them all other living men within the century in which it was
framed; among whom to search; and they shall not be able to find the
evidence of a single man agreeing with them。
Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood。 I do
not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our
fathers did。 To do so would be to discard all the lights of current
experience to reject all progress; all improvement。 What I do say is
that; if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in
any case; we should do so upon evidence so conclusive; and argument
so clear; that even their great authority; fairly considered and
weighed; cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we
ourselves declare they understood the question better than we。
If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of
local from Federal authority; or any part of the Constitution;
forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the
Federal Territories; he is right to say so; and to enforce his
position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can。
But he has no right to mislead others who have less access to
history; and less leisure to study it; into the false belief that
〃our fathers who framed the Government under which we live〃 were of
the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for
truthful evidence and fair argument。 If any man at this day
sincerely believes 〃our fathers; who framed the Government under
which we live;〃 used and applied principles; in other cases; which
ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local
from Federal authority; or some part of the Constitution; forbids the
Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal
Territories; he is right to say so。 But he should; at the same time;
brave the responsibility of declaring that; in his opinion; he
understands their principles better than they did themselves; and
especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that
they 〃understood the question just as well; and even better than we
do now。〃
But enough! Let all who believe that 〃our fathers; who framed the
Government under which we live; understood this question just as
well; and even better than we do now;〃 speak as they spoke; and act
as they acted upon it。 This is all Republicans askall Republicans
desirein relation to slavery。 As those fathers marked it; so let
it be again marked; as an evil not to be extended; but to be
tolerated and protected only because of; and so far as; its actual
presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity。
Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly; but
fully and fairly maintained。 For this Republicans contend; and with
this; so far as I know or believe; they will be content。
And now; if they would listenas I suppose they will notI would
address a few words to the Southern people。
I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just
people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and
justice you are not inferior to any other people。 Still; when you
speak of us Republicans; you do so only to denounce us as reptiles;
or; at the best; as no better than outlaws。 You will grant a hearing
to pirates or murderers; but nothing like it to 〃Black Republicans。〃
In all your contentions with one another; each of you deems an
unconditional condemnation of 〃Black Republicanism〃 as the first
thing to be attended to。 Indeed; such condemnation of us seems to be
an indispensable prerequisite license; so to speak among you; to be
admitted or permitted to speak at all: Now; can you; or not; be
prevailed upon to pause; and to consider whether this is quite just
to us; or even to yourselves? Bring forward your charges and
specifications; and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or
justify。
You say we are sectional。 We deny it。 That makes an issue; and the
burden of proof is upon you。 You produce your proof; and what is it?
Why; that our party has no existence in your sectiongets no votes
in your section。 The fact is substantially true; but does it prove
the issue? If it does; then in case we should; without change of
principle; begin to get votes in your section; we should thereby
cease to be sectional。 You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet;
are you willing to abide by it? If you are; you will probably soon
find that we have ceased to be sectional; for we shall get votes in
your section this very year。 You will then begin to discover; as the