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Boston；　on　the　28th　instant；　in　honor　of　the　birthday　of　Thomas

Jefferson；　was　duly　received。　My　engagements　are　such　that　I　cannot

attend。



Bearing　in　mind　that　about　seventy　years　ago　two　great　political

parties　were　first　formed　in　this　country；　that　Thomas　Jefferson　was

the　head　of　one　of　them　and　Boston　the　headquarters　of　the　other；　it

is　both　curious　and　interesting　that　those　supposed　to　descend

politically　from　the　party　opposed　to　Jefferson　should　now　be

celebrating　his　birthday　in　their　own　original　seat　of　empire；　while

those　claiming　political　descent　from　him　have　nearly　ceased　to

breathe　his　name　everywhere。



Remembering；　too；　that　the　Jefferson　party　was　formed　upon　its

supposed　superior　devotion　to　the　personal　rights　of　men；　holding　the

rights　of　property　to　be　secondary　only；　and　greatly　inferior；　and

assuming　that　the　so…called　Democracy　of　to…day　are　the　Jefferson；

and　their　opponents　the　anti…Jefferson；　party；　it　will　be　equally

interesting　to　note　how　completely　the　two　have　changed　hands　as　to

the　principle　upon　which　they　were　originally　supposed　to　be　divided。

The　Democracy　of　to…day　hold　the　liberty　of　one　man　to　be　absolutely

nothing；　when　in　conflict　with　another　man's　right　of　property；

Republicans；　on　the　contrary；　are　for　both　the　man　and　the　dollar；

but　in　case　of　conflict　the　man　before　the　dollar。



I　remember　being　once　much　amused　at　seeing　two　partially　intoxicated

men　engaged　in　a　fight　with　their　great…coats　on；　which　fight；　after

a　long　and　rather　harmless　contest；　ended　in　each　having　fought

himself　out　of　his　own　coat　and　into　that　of　the　other。　　If　the　two

leading　parties　of　this　day　are　really　identical　with　the　two　in　the

days　of　Jefferson　and　Adams；　they　have　performed　the　same　feat　as　the

two　drunken　men。



But　soberly；　it　is　now　no　child's　play　to　save　the　principles　of

Jefferson　from　total　overthrow　in　this　nation。　One　would　state　with

great　confidence　that　he　could　convince　any　sane　child　that　the

simpler　propositions　of　Euclid　are　true；　but　nevertheless　he　would

fail；　utterly；　with　one　who　should　deny　the　definitions　and　axioms。

The　principles　of　Jefferson　are　the　definitions　and　axioms　of　free

society。　　And　yet　they　are　denied　and　evaded；　with　no　small　show　of

success。　　One　dashingly　calls　them　〃glittering　generalities。〃

Another　bluntly　calls　them　〃self…evident　lies。〃　　And　others

insidiously　argue　that　they　apply　to　〃superior　races。〃　　These

expressions；　differing　in　form；　are　identical　in　object　and　effect

the　supplanting　the　principles　of　free　government；　and　restoring

those　of　classification；　caste；　and　legitimacy。　　They　would　delight　a

convocation　of　crowned　heads　plotting　against　the　people。　　They　are

the　vanguard；　the　miners　and　sappers；　of　returning　despotism。　　We

must　repulse　them；　or　they　will　subjugate　us。　　This　is　a　world　of

compensation；　and　he　who　would　be　no　slave　must　consent　to　have　no

slave。　　Those　who　deny　freedom　to　others　deserve　it　not　for

themselves；　and；　under　a　just　God；　cannot　long　retain　it。　　All　honor

to　Jefferson　to　the　man　who；　in　the　concrete　pressure　of　a　struggle

for　national　independence　by　a　single　people；　had　the　coolness；

forecast；　and　capacity　to　introduce　into　a　mere　revolutionary

document　an　abstract　truth；　applicable　to　all　men　and　all　times；　and

so　to　embalm　it　there　that　to…day　and　in　all　coming　days　it　shall　be

a　rebuke　and　a　stumbling…block　to　the　very　harbingers　of　reappearing

tyranny　and　oppression。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　T。　CANISIUS。



SPRINGFIELD；　May　17；　1859。



DR。　THEODORE　CANISIUS。



DEAR　SIR：Your　note　asking；　in　behalf　of　yourself　and　other　German

citizens；　whether　I　am　for　or　against　the　constitutional　provision　in

regard　to　naturalized　citizens；　lately　adopted　by　Massachusetts；　and

whether　I　am　for　or　against　a　fusion　of　the　Republicans　and　other

opposition　elements　for　the　canvass　of　1860；　is　received。



Massachusetts　is　a　sovereign　and　independent　State；　and　it　is　no

privilege　of　mine　to　scold　her　for　what　she　does。　　Still；　if　from

what　she　has　done　an　inference　is　sought　to　be　drawn　as　to　what　I

would　do；　I　may　without　impropriety　speak　out。　　I　say；　then；　that；　as

I　understand　the　Massachusetts　provision；　I　am　against　its　adoption

in　Illinois；　or　in　any　other　place　where　I　have　a　right　to　oppose　it。

Understanding　the　spirit　of　our　institutions　to　aim　at　the　elevation

of　men；　I　am　opposed　to　whatever　tends　to　degrade　them。　　I　have　some

little　notoriety　for　commiserating　the　oppressed　negro；　and　I　should

be　strangely　inconsistent　if　I　could　favor　any　project　for　curtailing

the　existing　rights　of　white　men；　even　though　born　in　different

lands；　and　speaking　different　languages　from　myself。　　As　to　the

matter　of　fusion；　I　am　for　it　if　it　can　be　had　on　Republican　grounds；

and　I　am　not　for　it　on　any　other　terms。　　A　fusion　on　any　other　terms

would　be　as　foolish　as　unprincipled。　　It　would　lose　the　whole　North；

while　the　common　enemy　would　still　carry　the　whole　South。　　The

question　of　men　is　a　different　one。　　There　are　good；　patriotic　men

and　able　statesmen　in　the　South　whom　I　would　cheerfully　support；　if

they　would　now　place　themselves　on　Republican　ground；　but　I　am

against　letting　down　the　Republican　standard　a　hairsbreadth。



I　have　written　this　hastily；　but　I　believe　it　answers　your　questions

substantially。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　THE　GOVERNOR；　AUDITOR；　AND　TREASURER　OF　THE　STATE　OF　ILLINOIS。



GENTLEMEN：



In　reply　to　your　inquiry；　requesting　our　written　opinion　as　to　what

your　duty　requires　you　to　do　in　executing　the　latter　clause　of　the

Seventh　Section　of　〃An　Act　in　relation　to　the　payment　of　the

principal　and　interest　of　the　State　debt；〃　approved　Feb'y　22；　1859；

we　reply　that　said　last　clause　of　said　section　is　certainly

indefinite；　general；　and　ambiguous　in　its　description　of　the　bonds　to

be　issued　by　you；　giving　no　time　at　which　the　bonds　are　to　be　made

payable；　no　place　at　which　either　principal　or　interest　are　to　be

paid；　and　no　rate　of　interest　which　the　bonds　are　to　bear；　nor　any

other　description　except　that　they　are　to　be　coupon　bonds；　which　in

commercial　usage　means　interest…paying　bonds　with　obligations　or

orders　attached　to　them　for　the　payment　of　annual　or　semiannual

interest；　there　is　we　suppose　no　difficulty　in　ascertaining；　if　this

act　stood　alone；　what　ought　to　be　the　construction　of　the　terms

〃coupon　bonds〃　and　that　it；　would　mean　bonds　bearing　interest　from

the　time　of　issuing　the　same。　　And　under　this　act　considered　by

itself　the　creditors　would　have　a　right　to　require　such　bonds。　　But

your　inquiry　in　regard　to　a　class　of　bonds　on　which　no　interest　is　to

be　paid　or　shall　begin　to　run　until　January　1　；　1860；　is　whether　the

Act　of　February　18；　1857；　would　not　authorize　you　to　refuse　to　give

bonds　with　any　coupons　attached　payable　before　the　first　day　of　July；

1860。　We　have　very　maturely　considered　this　question　and　have　arrived

at　the　conclusion　that　you　have　a　right　to　use　such　measures　as　will

secure　the　State　against　the　loss　of　six　months'　interest　on　these

bonds　by　the　indefiniteness　of　the　Act　of　1859。　While　it　cannot　be

denied　that　the　letter　of　the　laws　favor　the　construction　claimed　by

some　of　the　creditors　that　interest…bearing　bonds　were　required　to　be

issued　to　them；　inasmuch　as　the　restriction　that　no　interest　is　to

run　on　said　bonds　unti1　1st　January；　1860；　relates　solely　to　the

bonds　issued　under　the　Act　of　1857。　　And　the　Act　of　1859　directing

you　to　issue　new　bonds　does　not　contain　this　restriction；　but　directs

you　to　issue　coupon　bonds。　　Nevertheless　the　very　indefiniteness　and

generality　of　the　Act　of　1859；　giving　no　rate　of　interest；　no　time

due；　no　place　of　payment；　no　postponement　of　the　time　when　interest

commences；　necessarily　implies　that　the　Legislature　intended　to

invest　you　with　a　discretion　to　impose　such　terms　and　restrictions　as

would　protect　the　interest　of　the　State；　and　we　think　you　have　a

right　and　that　it　is　your　duty　to　see　that　the　State　Bonds　are　so

issued　that　the　State　shall　not　lose　six　months'　interest。　　Two　plans

present　themselves　either　of　which　will　secure　the　State。　　1st。　If　in

literal　compliance　with　the　law　you　issue　bonds　bearing　interest　from

1st　July；　1859；　you　may　deduct　from　the　bonds　presented　three

thousand　from　every　100；000　of　bonds　and　issue　97；000　of　coupon

bonds；　by　this　plan　3000　out　of　100；000　of　principal　would　be

extinguished　in　consideration　of　paying　2910　interest　on　the　first

of　January；　1860and　the　interest　on　the　3000　would　forever　cease；

this　would　be　no　doubt　most　advantageous　to　the　State。　　But　if　the

Auditor　will　not　consent　to　this；　then；　　2nd。　Cut　off　of　each　bond

all　the　coupons　payable　before　1st　July；　1860。



One　of　these　plans　would　undoubtedly　have　been　prescribed　by　the

Legislature　if　its　attention　had　been　directed　to　this　question。



May　28；　1859。









ON　LINCOLN'S　SCRAP　BOOK



TO　H。　C。　WHITNEY。



SPRINGFIELD；　　December　25；　1858。



H。　C。　WHITNEY；　ESQ。



MY　DEAR　SIR：I　have　just　received　yours　of　the　23rd　inquiring

whether　I　received　the　newspapers　you　sent　me　by　express。　　I　did

receive　them；　and　am　very　much　obliged。　　There　is　some　probability

that　my　scrap…book　will　be　reprinted；　and　if　it　shall；　I　will　save

you　a　copy。



Your　friend　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN。











1859







FIRST　SUGGESTION　OF　A　PRESIDENTIAL　OFFER。



TO　S。　GALLOWAY。



SPRINGFIELD；　ILL。；　July　28；　1859。



HON。　SAMUEL　GALLOWAY。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Your　very　complimentary；　not　to　say　flattering；　letter

of　the　23d　inst。　is　received。　　Dr。　Reynolds　had　induced　me　to　expect

you　here；　and　I　was　disappointed　not　a　little　by　your　failure　to

come。　　And　yet　I　fear　you　have　formed　an　estimate　of　me　which　can

scarcely　be　sustained　on　a　personal　acquaintance。