the writings-5-第6部分

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



scarcely　be　sustained　on　a　personal　acquaintance。



Two　things　done　by　the　Ohio　Republican　conventionthe　repudiation　of

Judge　Swan；　and　the　〃plank〃　for　a　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　LawI

very　much　regretted。　　These　two　things　are　of　a　piece；　and　they　are

viewed　by　many　good　men；　sincerely　opposed　to　slavery；　as　a　struggle

against；　and　in　disregard　of；　the　Constitution　itself。　　And　it　is　the

very　thing　that　will　greatly　endanger　our　cause；　if　it　be　not　kept

out　of　our　national　convention。　　There　is　another　thing　our　friends

are　doing　which　gives　me　some　uneasiness。　　It　is　their　leaning　toward

〃popular　sovereignty。〃　There　are　three　substantial　objections　to

this：　First；　no　party　can　command　respect　which　sustains　this　year

what　it　opposed　last。　　Secondly；　Douglas　（who　is　the　most　dangerous

enemy　of　liberty；　because　the　most　insidious　one）　would　have　little

support　in　the　North；　and　by　consequence；　no　capital　to　trade　on　in

the　South；　if　it　were　not　for　his　friends　thus　magnifying　him　and　his

humbug。　　But　lastly；　and　chiefly；　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty；

accepted　by　the　public　mind　as　a　just　principle；　nationalizes

slavery；　and　revives　the　African　slave　trade　inevitably。



Taking　slaves　into　new　Territories；　and　buying　slaves　in　Africa；　are

identical　things；　identical　rights　or　identical　wrongs；　and　the

argument　which　establishes　one　will　establish　the　other。　　Try　a

thousand　years　for　a　sound　reason　why　Congress　shall　not　hinder　the

people　of　Kansas　from　having　slaves；　and；　when　you　have　found　it；　it

will　be　an　equally　good　one　why　Congress　should　not　hinder　the　people

of　Georgia　from　importing　slaves　from　Africa。



As　to　Governor　Chase；　I　have　a　kind　side　for　him。　　He　was　one　of　the

few　distinguished　men　of　the　nation　who　gave　us；　in　Illinois；　their

sympathy　last　year。　　I　never　saw　him；　but　suppose　him　to　be　able　and

right…minded；　but　still　he　may　not　be　the　most　suitable　as　a

candidate　for　the　Presidency。



I　must　say　I　do　not　think　myself　fit　for　the　Presidency。　　As　you

propose　a　correspondence　with　me；　I　shall　look　for　your　letters

anxiously。



I　have　not　met　Dr。　Reynolds　since　receiving　your　letter；　but　when　I

shall；　I　will　present　your　respects　as　requested。



Yours　very　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









IT　IS　BAD　TO　BE　POOR。



TO　HAWKINS　TAYLOR



SPRINGFIELD；　ILL。　Sept。　6；　1859。



HAWKINS　TAYLOR；　Esq。



DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　the　3d　is　just　received。　　There　is　some　mistake

about　my　expected　attendance　of　the　U。S。　Court　in　your　city　on　the　3d

Tuesday　of　this　month。　　I　have　had　no　thought　of　being　there。



It　is　bad　to　be　poor。　　I　shall　go　to　the　wall　for　bread　and　meat　if　I

neglect　my　business　this　year　as　well　as　last。　　It　would　please　me

much　to　see　the　city　and　good　people　of　Keokuk；　but　for　this　year　it

is　little　less　than　an　impossibility。　　I　am　constantly　receiving

invitations　which　I　am　compelled　to　decline。　　I　was　pressingly　urged

to　go　to　Minnesota；　and　I　now　have　two　invitations　to　go　to　Ohio。

These　last　are　prompted　by　Douglas　going　there；　and　I　am　really

tempted　to　make　a　flying　trip　to　Columbus　and　Cincinnati。



I　do　hope　you　will　have　no　serious　trouble　in　Iowa。　　What　thinks

Grimes　about　it？　I　have　not　known　him　to　be　mistaken　about　an

election　in　Iowa。　　Present　my　respects　to　Col。　　Carter；　and　any　other

friends；　and　believe　me



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









SPEECH　AT　COLUMBUS；　OHIO。



SEPTEMBER　16；　1859。



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　STATE　OF　OHIO：　I　cannot　fail　to　remember　that

I　appear　for　the　first　time　before　an　audience　in　this　now　great

State；an　audience　that　is　accustomed　to　hear　such　speakers　as

Corwin；　and　Chase；　and　Wade；　and　many　other　renowned　men；　and；

remembering　this；　I　feel　that　it　will　be　well　for　you；　as　for　me；

that　you　should　not　raise　your　expectations　to　that　standard　to　which

you　would　have　been　justified　in　raising　them　had　one　of　these

distinguished　men　appeared　before　you。　　You　would　perhaps　be　only

preparing　a　disappointment　for　yourselves；　and；　as　a　consequence　of

your　disappointment；　mortification　to　me。　　I　hope；　therefore；　that

you　will　commence　with　very　moderate　expectations；　and　perhaps；　if

you　will　give　me　your　attention；　I　shall　be　able　to　interest　you　to　a

moderate　degree。



Appearing　here　for　the　first　time　in　my　life；　I　have　been　somewhat

embarrassed　for　a　topic　by　way　of　introduction　to　my　speech；　but　I

have　been　relieved　from　that　embarrassment　by　an　introduction　which

the　Ohio　Statesman　newspaper　gave　me　this　morning。　　In　this　paper　I

have　read　an　article；　in　which；　among　other　statements；　I　find　the

following：



〃In　debating　with　Senator　Douglas　during　the　memorable　contest　of

last　fall；　Mr。　Lincoln　declared　in　favor　of　negro　suffrage；　and

attempted　to　defend　that　vile　conception　against　the　Little　Giant。〃



I　mention　this　now；　at　the　opening　of　my　remarks；　for　the　purpose　of

making　three　comments　upon　it。　　The　first　I　have　already　announced；

it　furnishes　me　an　introductory　topic；　the　second　is　to　show　that　the

gentleman　is　mistaken；　thirdly；　to　give　him　an　opportunity　to　correct

it。



In　the　first　place；　in　regard　to　this　matter　being　a　mistake。　　I　have

found　that　it　is　not　entirely　safe；　when　one　is　misrepresented　under

his　very　nose；　to　allow　the　misrepresentation　to　go　uncontradicted。

I　therefore　propose；　here　at　the　outset；　not　only　to　say　that　this　is

a　misrepresentation；　but　to　show　conclusively　that　it　is　so；　and　you

will　bear　with　me　while　I　read　a　couple　of　extracts　from　that　very

〃memorable〃　debate　with　Judge　Douglas　last　year；　to　which　this

newspaper　refers。　　In　the　first　pitched　battle　which　Senator　Douglas

and　myself　had；　at　the　town　of　Ottawa；　I　used　the　language　which　I

will　now　read。　　Having　been　previously　reading　an　extract；　I

continued　as　follows：



〃Now；　gentlemen；　I　don't　want　to　read　at　any　greater　length；　but　this

is　the　true　complexion　of　all　I　have　ever　said　in　regard　to　the

institution　of　slavery　and　the　black　race。　　This　is　the　whole　of　it；

and　anything　that　argues　me　into　his　idea　of　perfect　social　and

political　equality　with　the　negro；　is　but　a　specious　and　fantastic

arrangement　of　words；　by　which　a　man　can　prove　a　horse…chestnut　to　be

a　chestnut　horse。　　I　will　say　here；　while　upon　this　subject；　that　I

have　no　purpose　directly　or　indirectly　to　interfere　with　the

institution　of　slavery　in　the　States　where　it　exists。　　I　believe　I

have　no　lawful　right　to　do　so；　and　I　have　no　inclination　to　do　so。　　I

have　no　purpose　to　introduce　political　and　social　equality　between

the　white　and　the　black　races。　　There　is　a　physical　difference

between　the　two　which；　in　my　judgment；　will　probably　forbid　their

ever　living　together　upon　the　footing　of　perfect　equality；　and

inasmuch　as　it　becomes　a　necessity　that　there　must　be　a　difference；

I；　as　well　as　Judge　Douglas；　am　in　favor　of　the　race　to　which　I

belong　having　the　superior　position。　　I　have　never　said　anything　to

the　contrary；　but　I　hold　that；　notwithstanding　all　this；　there　is　no

reason　in　the　world　why　the　negro　is　not　entitled　to　all　the　natural

rights　enumerated　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；the　right　to

life；　liberty　and　the　pursuit　of　happiness。　　I　hold　that　he　is　as

much　entitled　to　these　as　the　white　man。　　I　agree　with　judge　Douglas；

he　is　not　my　equal　in　many　respects；certainly　not　in　color；　perhaps

not　in　moral　or　intellectual　endowments。　　But　in　the　right　to　eat　the

bread；　without　leave　of　anybody　else；　which　his　own　hand　earns；　he　is

my　equal；　and　the　equal　of　Judge　Douglas；　and　the　equal　of　every

living　man。〃



Upon　a　subsequent　occasion；　when　the　reason　for　making　a　statement

like　this　occurred；　I　said：



〃While　I　was　at　the　hotel　to…day　an　elderly　gentleman　called　upon　me

to　know　whether　I　was　really　in　favor　of　producing　perfect　equality

between　the　negroes　and　white　people。　　While　I　had　not　proposed　to

myself　on　this　occasion　to　say　much　on　that　subject；　yet；　as　the

question　was　asked　me；　I　thought　I　would　occupy　perhaps　five　minutes

in　saying　something　in　regard　to　it。　　I　will　say；　then；　that　I　am

not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of　bringing　about　in　any　way　the

social　and　political　equality　of　the　white　and　black　races；　that　I　am

not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of　making　voters　or　jurors　of

negroes；　nor　of　qualifying　them　to　hold　office；　or　intermarry　with

the　white　people；　and　I　will　say　in　addition　to　this　that　there　is　a

physical　difference　between　the　white　and　black　races　which　I　believe

will　forever　forbid　the　two　races　living　together　on　terms　of　social

and　political　equality。　　And　inasmuch　as　they　can　not　so　live；　while

they　do　remain　together　there　must　be　the　position　of　superior　and

inferior；　and　I；　as　much　as　any　other　man；　am　in　favor　of　having　the

superior　position　assigned　to　the　white　race。　I　say　upon　this

occasion　I　do　not　perceive　that　because　the　white　man　is　to　have　the

superior　position；　the　negro　should　be　denied　everything。　　I　do　not

understand　that　because　I　do　not　want　a　negro　woman　for　a　slave；　I

must　necessarily　want　her　for　a　wife。　　My　understanding　is　that　I　can

just　let　her　alone。　I　am　now　in　my　fiftieth　year；　and　I　certainly

never　have　had　a　black　woman　for　either　a　slave　or　a　wife。　　So　it

seems　to　me　quite　possible　for　us　to　get　along　without　making　either

slaves　or　wives　of　negroes。　　I　will　add　to　this　that　I　have　never

seen；　to　my　knowledge；　a　man；　woman；　or　child；　who　was　in　favor　of

producing　perfect　equality；　social　and　political；　between　negroes　and

white　men。　　I　recollect　of　but　one　distinguished　instance　that　I　ever

heard　of　so　frequently　as　to　be　satisfied　of　its　correctness；　and

that　is　the　case　of　Judge　Douglas's　old　friend　Colonel　Richard　M。

Johnson。　　I　will　also　add　to　the　remarks　I　have　made　（for　I　am　not

going　to　enter　at　large　upon　this　subject；　that　I　have　never　had　the

least　apprehension　that　I　or　my　friends　would　marr