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going　to　enter　at　large　upon　this　subject；　that　I　have　never　had　the

least　apprehension　that　I　or　my　friends　would　marry　negroes；　if　there

was　no　law　to　keep　them　from　it；　but　as　judge　Douglas　and　his　friends

seem　to　be　in　great　apprehension　that　they　might；　if　there　were　no

law　to　keep　them　from　it；　I　give　him　the　most　solemn　pledge　that　I

will　to　the　very　last　stand　by　the　law　of　the　State　which　forbids　the

marrying　of　white　people　with　negroes。〃



There；　my　friends；　you　have　briefly　what　I　have；　upon　former

occasions；　said　upon　this　subject　to　which　this　newspaper；　to　the

extent　of　its　ability；　has　drawn　the　public　attention。　　In　it　you　not

only　perceive；　as　a　probability；　that　in　that　contest　I　did　not　at

any　time　say　I　was　in　favor　of　negro　suffrage；　but　the　absolute　proof

that　twiceonce　substantially；　and　once　expresslyI　declared

against　it。　　Having　shown　you　this；　there　remains　but　a　word　of

comment　upon　that　newspaper　article。　　It　is　this；　that　I　presume　the

editor　of　that　paper　is　an　honest　and　truth…loving　man；　and　that　he

will　be　greatly　obliged　to　me　for　furnishing　him　thus　early　an

opportunity　to　correct　the　misrepresentation　he　has　made；　before　it

has　run　so　long　that　malicious　people　can　call　him　a　liar。



The　Giant　himself　has　been　here　recently。　　I　have　seen　a　brief　report

of　his　speech。　　If　it　were　otherwise　unpleasant　to　me　to　introduce

the　subject　of　the　negro　as　a　topic　for　discussion；　I　might　be

somewhat　relieved　by　the　fact　that　he　dealt　exclusively　in　that

subject　while　he　was　here。　　I　shall；　therefore；　without　much

hesitation　or　diffidence；　enter　upon　this　subject。



The　American　people；　on　the　first　day　of　January；　1854；　found　the

African　slave　trade　prohibited　by　a　law　of　Congress。　　In　a　majority

of　the　States　of　this　Union；　they　found　African　slavery；　or　any　other

sort　of　slavery；　prohibited　by　State　constitutions。　　They　also　found

a　law　existing；　supposed　to　be　valid；　by　which　slavery　was　excluded

from　almost　all　the　territory　the　United　States　then　owned。　　This　was

the　condition　of　the　country；　with　reference　to　the　institution　of

slavery；　on　the　first　of　January；　1854。　　A　few　days　after　that；　a

bill　was　introduced　into　Congress；　which　ran　through　its　regular

course　in　the　two　branches　of　the　national　legislature；　and　finally

passed　into　a　law　in　the　month　of　May；　by　which　the　Act　of　Congress

prohibiting　slavery　from　going　into　the　Territories　of　the　United

States　was　repealed。　　In　connection　with　the　law　itself；　and；　in

fact；　in　the　terms　of　the　law；　the　then　existing　prohibition　was　not

only　repealed；　but　there　was　a　declaration　of　a　purpose　on　the　part

of　Congress　never　thereafter　to　exercise　any　power　that　they　might

have；　real　or　supposed；　to　prohibit　the　extension　or　spread　of

slavery。　This　was　a　very　great　change；　for　the　law　thus　repealed　was

of　more　than　thirty　years'　standing。　　Following　rapidly　upon　the

heels　of　this　action　of　Congress；　a　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　is

made；　by　which　it　is　declared　that　Congress；　if　it　desires　to

prohibit　the　spread　of　slavery　into　the　Territories；　has　no

constitutional　power　to　do　so。　　Not　only　so；　but　that　decision　lays

down　principles　which；　if　pushed　to　their　logical　conclusion；I　say

pushed　to　their　logical　conclusion；would　decide　that　the

constitutions　of　free　States；　forbidding　slavery；　are　themselves

unconstitutional。　　Mark　me；　I　do　not　say　the　judges　said　this；　and

let　no　man　say　I　affirm　the　judges　used　these　words；　but　I　only　say

it　is　my　opinion　that　what　they　did　say；　if　pressed　to　its　logical

conclusion；　will　inevitably　result　thus。



Looking　at　these　things；　the　Republican　party；　as　I　understand　its

principles　and　policy；　believes　that　there　is　great　danger　of　the

institution　of　slavery　being　spread　out　and　extended　until　it　is

ultimately　made　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States　of　this　Union；　so

believing；　to　prevent　that　incidental　and　ultimate　consummation　is

the　original　and　chief　purpose　of　the　Republican　organization。　I　say

〃chief　purpose〃　of　the　Republican　organization；　for　it　is　certainly

true　that　if　the　National　House　shall　fall　into　the　hands　of　the

Republicans；　they　will　have　to　attend　to　all　the　other　matters　of

national　house…keeping；　as　well　as　this。　　The　chief　and　real　purpose

of　the　Republican　party　is　eminently　conservative。　　It　proposes

nothing　save　and　except　to　restore　this　government　to　its　original

tone　in　regard　to　this　element　of　slavery；　and　there　to　maintain　it；

looking　for　no　further　change　in　reference　to　it　than　that　which　the

original　framers　of　the　Government　themselves　expected　and　looked

forward　to。



The　chief　danger　to　this　purpose　of　the　Republican　party　is　not　just

now　the　revival　of　the　African　slave　trade；　or　the　passage　of　a

Congressional　slave　code；　or　the　declaring　of　a　second　Dred　Scott

decision；　making　slavery　lawful　in　all　the　States。　　These　are　not

pressing　us　just　now。　　They　are　not　quite　ready　yet。　　The　authors　of

these　measures　know　that　we　are　too　strong　for　them；　but　they　will　be

upon　us　in　due　time；　and　we　will　be　grappling　with　them　hand　to　hand；

if　they　are　not　now　headed　off。　　They　are　not　now　the　chief　danger　to

the　purpose　of　the　Republican　organization；　but　the　most　imminent

danger　that　now　threatens　that　purpose　is　that　insidious　Douglas

popular　sovereignty。　　This　is　the　miner　and　sapper。　　While　it　does

not　propose　to　revive　the　African　slave　trade；　nor　to　pass　a　slave

code；　nor　to　make　a　second　Dred　Scott　decision；　it　is　preparing　us

for　the　onslaught　and　charge　of　these　ultimate　enemies　when　they

shall　be　ready　to　come　on；　and　the　word　of　command　for　them　to

advance　shall　be　given。　　I　say　this　〃Douglas　popular　sovereignty〃；

for　there　is　a　broad　distinction；　as　I　now　understand　it；　between

that　article　and　a　genuine　popular　sovereignty。



I　believe　there　is　a　genuine　popular　sovereignty。　　I　think　a

definition　of　〃genuine　popular　sovereignty；〃　in　the　abstract；　would

be　about　this：　That　each　man　shall　do　precisely　as　he　pleases　with

himself；　and　with　all　those　things　which　exclusively　concern　him。

Applied　to　government；　this　principle　would　be；　that　a　general

government　shall　do　all　those　things　which　pertain　to　it；　and　all　the

local　governments　shall　do　precisely　as　they　please　in　respect　to

those　matters　which　exclusively　concern　them。　　I　understand　that　this

government　of　the　United　States；　under　which　we　live；　is　based　upon

this　principle；　and　I　am　misunderstood　if　it　is　supposed　that　I　have

any　war　to　make　upon　that　principle。



Now；　what　is　judge　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty？　　It　is；　as　a

principle；　no　other　than　that　if　one　man　chooses　to　make　a　slave　of

another　man　neither　that　other　man　nor　anybody　else　has　a　right　to

object。　　Applied　in　government；　as　he　seeks　to　apply　it；　it　is　this：

If；　in　a　new　Territory　into　which　a　few　people　are　beginning　to　enter

for　the　purpose　of　making　their　homes；　they　choose　to　either　exclude

slavery　from　their　limits　or　to　establish　it　there；　however　one　or

the　other　may　affect　the　persons　to　be　enslaved；　or　the　infinitely

greater　number　of　persons　who　are　afterwards　to　inhabit　that

Territory；　or　the　other　members　of　the　families　of　communities；　of

which　they　are　but　an　incipient　member；　or　the　general　head　of　the

family　of　States　as　parent　of　all；　however　their　action　may　affect

one　or　the　other　of　these；　there　is　no　power　or　right　to　interfere。

That　is　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty　applied。



He　has　a　good　deal　of　trouble　with　popular　sovereignty。　　His

explanations　explanatory　of　explanations　explained　are　interminable。

The　most　lengthy；　and；　as　I　suppose；　the　most　maturely　considered　of

this　long　series　of　explanations　is　his　great　essay　in　Harper's

Magazine。　　I　will　not　attempt　to　enter　on　any　very　thorough

investigation　of　his　argument　as　there　made　and　presented。　　I　will

nevertheless　occupy　a　good　portion　of　your　time　here　in　drawing　your

attention　to　certain　points　in　it。　　Such　of　you　as　may　have　read　this

document　will　have　perceived　that　the　judge　early　in　the　document

quotes　from　two　persons　as　belonging　to　the　Republican　party；　without

naming　them；　but　who　can　readily　be　recognized　as　being　Governor

Seward　of　New　York　and　myself。　　It　is　true　that　exactly　fifteen

months　ago　this　day；　I　believe；　I　for　the　first　time　expressed　a

sentiment　upon　this　subject；　and　in　such　a　manner　that　it　should　get

into　print；　that　the　public　might　see　it　beyond　the　circle　of　my

hearers；　and　my　expression　of　it　at　that　time　is　the　quotation　that

Judge　Douglas　makes。　He　has　not　made　the　quotation　with　accuracy；　but

justice　to　him　requires　me　to　say　that　it　is　sufficiently　accurate

not　to　change　the　sense。



The　sense　of　that　quotation　condensed　is　this：　that　this　slavery

element　is　a　durable　element　of　discord　among　us；　and　that　we　shall

probably　not　have　perfect　peace　in　this　country　with　it　until　it

either　masters　the　free　principle　in　our　government；　or　is　so　far

mastered　by　the　free　principle　as　for　the　public　mind　to　rest　in　the

belief　that　it　is　going　to　its　end。　　This　sentiment；　which　I　now

express　in　this　way；　was；　at　no　great　distance　of　time；　perhaps　in

different　language；　and　in　connection　with　some　collateral　ideas；

expressed　by　Governor　Seward。　　Judge　Douglas　has　been　so　much　annoyed

by　the　expression　of　that　sentiment　that　he　has　constantly；　I

believe；　in　almost　all　his　speeches　since　it　was　uttered；　been

referring　to　it。　　I　find　he　alluded　to　it　in　his　speech　here；　as　well

as　in　the　copyright　essay。　　I　do　not　now　enter　upon　this　for　the

purpose　of　making　an　elaborate　argument　to　show　that　we　were　right　in

the　expression　of　that　sentiment。　　In　other　words；　I　shall　not　stop

to　say　all　that　might　properly　be　said　upon　this　point；　but　I　only

ask　your　attention　to　it　for　the　purpose　of　making　one　or　two　points

upon　it。



If　you　will　read　the　copyright　essay；　you　will　discover　that　judge

Dougla