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ordinary　processes　and　forms　of　law；　such　individuals　as　he　might

deem　dangerous　to　the　public　safety。　　This　authority　has　purposely

been　exercised　but　very　sparingly。　　Nevertheless；　the　legality　and

propriety　of　what　has　been　done　under　it　are　questioned；　and　the

attention　of　the　country　has　been　called　to　the　proposition　that　one

who　has　sworn　to　〃take　care　that　the　laws　be　faithfully　executed〃

should　not　himself　violate　them。　　Of　course　some　consideration　was

given　to　the　questions　of　power　and　propriety　before　this　matter　was

acted　upon。　　The　whole　of　the　laws　which　were　required　to　be

faithfully　executed　were　being　resisted　and　failing　of　execution　in

nearly　one　third　of　the　States。　　Must　they　be　allowed　to　finally　fail

of　execution；　even　had　it　been　perfectly　clear　that　by　the　use　of　the

means　necessary　to　their　execution　some　single　law；　made　in　such

extreme　tenderness　of　the　citizen's　liberty　that；　practically；　it

relieves　more　of　the　guilty　than　of　the　innocent；　should　to　a　very

limited　extent　be　violated？　To　state　the　question　more　directly；　are

all　the　laws　but　one　to　go　unexecuted；　and　the　government　itself　go

to　pieces　lest　that　one　be　violated？　Even　in　such　a　case；　would　not

the　official　oath　be　broken　if　the　government　should　be　overthrown

when　it　was　believed　that　disregarding　the　single　law　would　tend　to

preserve　it？　But　it　was　not　believed　that　this　question　was

presented。　　It　was　not　believed　that　any　law　was　violated。　　The

provision　of　the　Constitution　that　〃the　privilege　of　the　writ　of

habeas　corpus　shall　not　be　suspended；　unless　when；　in　cases　of

rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may　require　it；〃　is

equivalent　to　a　provisionis　a　provisionthat　such　privilege　may　be

suspended　when；　in　case　of　rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety

does　require　it。　　It　was　decided　that　we　have　a　case　of　rebellion；

and　that　the　public　safety　does　require　the　qualified　suspension　of

the　privilege　of　the　writ　which　was　authorized　to　be　made。　　Now　it　is

insisted　that　Congress；　and　not　the　executive；　is　vested　with　this

power。　　But　the　Constitution　itself　is　silent　as　to　which　or　who　is

to　exercise　the　power；　and　as　the　provision　was　plainly　made　for　a

dangerous　emergency；　it　cannot　be　believed　the　framers　of　the

instrument　intended　that　in　every　case　the　danger　should　run　its

course　until　Congress　could　be　called　together；　the　very　assembling

of　which　might　be　prevented；　as　was　intended　in　this　case；　by　the

rebellion。



No　more　extended　argument　is　now　offered；　as　an　opinion　at　some

length　will　probably　be　presented　by　the　attorney…general。　　Whether

there　shall　be　any　legislation　upon　the　subject；　and　if　any；　what；　is

submitted　entirely　to　the　better　judgment　of　Congress。



The　forbearance　of　this　government　had　been　so　extraordinary　and　so

long　continued　as　to　lead　some　foreign　nations　to　shape　their　action

as　if　they　supposed　the　early　destruction　of　our　national　Union　was

probable。　　While　this；　on　discovery；　gave　the　executive　some　concern；

he　is　now　happy　to　say　that　the　sovereignty　and　rights　of　the　United

States　are　now　everywhere　practically　respected　by　foreign　powers；

and　a　general　sympathy　with　the　country　is　manifested　throughout　the

world。



The　reports　of　the　Secretaries　of　the　Treasury；　War；　and　the　Navy

will　give　the　information　in　detail　deemed　necessary　and　convenient

for　your　deliberation　and　action；　while　the　executive　and　all　the

departments　will　stand　ready　to　supply　omissions；　or　to　communicate

new　facts　considered　important　for　you　to　know。



It　is　now　recommended　that　you　give　the　legal　means　for　making　this

contest　a　short　and　decisive　one：　that　you　place　at　the　control　of

the　government　for　the　work　at　least　four　hundred　thousand　men　and

400；000；000。　　That　number　of　men　is　about　one…tenth　of　those　of

proper　ages　within　the　regions　where；　apparently；　all　are　willing　to

engage；　and　the　sum　is　less　than　a　twenty…third　part　of　the　money

value　owned　by　the　men　who　seem　ready　to　devote　the　whole。　　A　debt　of

6oo；ooo；ooo　now　is　a　less　sum　per　head　than　was　the　debt　of　our

Revolution　when　we　came　out　of　that　struggle；　and　the　money　value　in

the　country　now　bears　even　a　greater　proportion　to　what　it　was　then

than　does　the　population。　　Surely　each　man　has　as　strong　a　motive　now

to　preserve　our　liberties　as　each　had　then　to　establish　them。



A　right　result　at　this　time　will　be　worth　more　to　the　world　than　ten

times　the　men　and　ten　times　the　money。　　The　evidence　reaching　us　from

the　country　leaves　no　doubt　that　the　material　for　the　work　is

abundant；　and　that　it　needs　only　the　hand　of　legislation　to　give　it

legal　sanction；　and　the　hand　of　the　executive　to　give　it　practical

shape　and　efficiency。　　One　of　the　greatest　perplexities　of　the

government　is　to　avoid　receiving　troops　faster　than　it　can　provide

for　them。　　In　a　word；　the　people　will　save　their　government　if　the

government　itself　will　do　its　part　only　indifferently　well。



It　might　seem；　at　first　thought；　to　be　of　little　difference　whether

the　present　movement　at　the　South　be　called　〃secession〃　or

〃rebellion。〃　The　movers；　however；　well　understand　the　difference。　　At

the　beginning　they　knew　they　could　never　raise　their　treason　to　any

respectable　magnitude　by　any　name　which　implies　violation　of　law。

They　knew　their　people　possessed　as　much　of　moral　sense；　as　much　of

devotion　to　law　and　order；　and　as　much　pride　in　and　reverence　for　the

history　and　government　of　their　common　country　as　any　other　civilized

and　patriotic　people。　　They　knew　they　could　make　no　advancement

directly　in　the　teeth　of　these　strong　and　noble　sentiments。

Accordingly；　they　commenced　by　an　insidious　debauching　of　the　public

mind。　　They　invented　an　ingenious　sophism　which；　if　conceded；　was

followed　by　perfectly　logical　steps；　through　all　the　incidents；　to

the　complete　destruction　of　the　Union。　　The　sophism　itself　is　that

any　State　of　the　Union　may　consistently　with　the　national

Constitution；　and　therefore　lawfully　and　peacefully；　withdraw　from

the　Union　without　the　consent　of　the　Union　or　of　any　other　State。

The　little　disguise　that　the　supposed　right　is　to　be　exercised　only

for　just　cause；　themselves　to　be　the　sole　judges　of　its　justice；　is

too　thin　to　merit　any　notice。



With　rebellion　thus　sugar…coated　they　have　been　drugging　the　public

mind　of　their　section　for　more　than　thirty　years；　and　until　at　length

they　have　brought　many　good　men　to　a　willingness　to　take　up　arms

against　the　government　the　day　after　some　assemblage　of　men　have

enacted　the　farcical　pretense　of　taking　their　State　out　of　the　Union；

who　could　have　been　brought　to　no　such　thing　the　day　before。



This　sophism　derives　much；　perhaps　the　whole；　of　its　currency　from

the　assumption　that　there　is　some　omnipotent　and　sacred　supremacy

pertaining　to　a　Stateto　each　State　of　our　Federal　Union。　　Our

States　have　neither　more　nor　less　power　than　that　reserved　to　them　in

the　Union　by　the　Constitutionno　one　of　them　ever　having　been　a

State　out　of　the　Union。　　The　original　ones　passed　into　the　Union　even

before　they　cast　off　their　British　colonial　dependence；　and　the　new

ones　each　came　into　the　Union　directly　from　a　condition　of

dependence；　excepting　Texas。　　And　even　Texas　in　its　temporary

independence　was　never　designated　a　State。　　The　new　ones　only　took

the　designation　of　States　on　coming　into　the　Union；　while　that　name

was　first　adopted　for　the　old　ones　in　and　by　the　Declaration　of

Independence。　　Therein　the　〃United　Colonies〃　were　declared　to　be

〃free　and　independent　States〃；　but　even　then　the　object　plainly　was

not　to　declare　their　independence　of　one　another　or　of　the　Union；　but

directly　the　contrary；　as　their　mutual　pledge　and　their　mutual　action

before；　at　the　time；　and　afterward；　abundantly　show。　　The　express

plighting　of　faith　by　each　and　all　of　the　original　thirteen　in　the

Articles　of　Confederation；　two　years　later；　that　the　Union　shall　be

perpetual；　is　most　conclusive。　　Having　never　been　States　either　in

substance　or　in　name　outside　of　the　Union；　whence　this　magical

omnipotence　of　〃　State　rights；〃　asserting　a　claim　of　power　to

lawfully　destroy　the　Union　itself？　Much　is　said　about　the

〃sovereignty〃　of　the　States；　but　the　word　even　is　not　in　the　national

Constitution；　nor；　as　is　believed；　in　any　of　the　State　constitutions。

What　is　〃sovereignty〃　in　the　political　sense　of　the　term？　Would　it　be

far　wrong　to　define　it　as　〃a　political　community　without　a　political

superior〃？　Tested　by　this；　no　one　of　our　States　except　Texas　ever　was

a　sovereignty。　　And　even　Texas　gave　up　the　character　on　coming　into

the　Union；　by　which　act　she　acknowledged　the　Constitution　of　the

United　States；　and　the　laws　and　treaties　of　the　United　States　made　in

pursuance　of　the　Constitution；　to　be　for　her　the　supreme　law　of　the

land。　　The　States　have　their　status　in　the　Union；　and　they　have　no

other　legal　status。　　If　they　break　from　this；　they　can　only　do　so

against　law　and　by　revolution。　　The　Union；　and　not　themselves

separately；　procured　their　independence　and　their　liberty。　　By

conquest　or　purchase　the　Union　gave　each　of　them　whatever　of

independence　or　liberty　it　has。　　The　Union　is　older　than　any　of　the

States；　and；　in　fact；　it　created　them　as　States。　　Originally　some

dependent　colonies　made　the　Union；　and；　in　turn；　the　Union　threw　off

their　old　dependence　for　them；　and　made　them　States；　such　as　they

are。　　Not　one　of　them　ever　had　a　State　constitution　independent　of

the　Union。　　Of　course；　it　is　not　forgotten　that　all　the　new　States

framed　their　constitutions　before　they　entered　the　Union

nevertheless；　dependent　upon　and　preparatory　to　coming　into　the

Union。



Unquestionably　the　States　have　the　powers　and　rights　reserved　to　them

in　and　by　the　national　Constitution；　but　among　these　surely　are　not

included　all　conceivable　powers；　however　mischievous　or　destructive；

but；　at　most；　such　only　as　were　known　in　the　w