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included　all　conceivable　powers；　however　mischievous　or　destructive；

but；　at　most；　such　only　as　were　known　in　the　world　at　the　time　as

governmental　powers；　and　certainly　a　power　to　destroy　the　government

itself　had　never　been　known　as　a　governmental；　as　a　merely

administrative　power。　　This　relative　matter　of　national　power　and

State　rights；　as　a　principle；　is　no　other　than　the　principle　of

generality　and　locality。　　Whatever　concerns　the　whole　should　be

confided　to　the　wholeto　the　General　Government；　while　whatever

concerns　only　the　State　should　be　left　exclusively　to　the　State。

This　is　all　there　is　of　original　principle　about　it。　　Whether　the

national　Constitution　in　defining　boundaries　between　the　two　has

applied　the　principle　with　exact　accuracy；　is　not　to　be　questioned。

We　are　all　bound　by　that　defining；　without　question。



What　is　now　combated　is　the　position　that　secession　is　consistent

with　the　Constitutionis　lawful　and　peaceful。　　It　is　not　contended

that　there　is　any　express　law　for　it；　and　nothing　should　ever　be

implied　as　law　which　leads　to　unjust　or　absurd　consequences。　　The

nation　purchased　with　money　the　countries　out　of　which　several　of

these　States　were　formed。　　Is　it　just　that　they　shall　go　off　without

leave　and　without　refunding？　The　nation　paid　very　large　sums　（in　the

aggregate；　I　believe；　nearly　a　hundred　millions）　to　relieve　Florida

of　the　aboriginal　tribes。　　Is　it　just　that　she　shall　now　be　off

without　consent　or　without　making　any　return？　The　nation　is　now　in

debt　for　money　applied　to　the　benefit　of　these　so…called　seceding

States　in　common　with　the　rest。　　Is　it　just　either　that　creditors

shall　go　unpaid　or　the　remaining　States　pay　the　whole？　A　part　of　the

present　national　debt　was　contracted　to　pay　the　old　debts　of　Texas。

Is　it　just　that　she　shall　leave　and　pay　no　part　of　this　herself？



Again；　if　one　State　may　secede；　so　may　another；　and　when　all　shall

have　seceded；　none　is　left　to　pay　the　debts。　　Is　this　quite　just　for

creditors？　Did　we　notify　them　of　this　sage　view　of　ours　when　we

borrowed　their　money？　If　we　now　recognize　this　doctrine　by　allowing

the　seceders　to　go　in　peace；　it　is　difficult　to　see　what　we　can　do　if

others　choose　to　go　or　to　extort　terms　upon　which　they　will　promise

to　remain。



The　seceders　insist　that　our　Constitution　admits　of　secession。　　They

have　assumed　to　make　a　national　constitution　of　their　own；　in　which

of　necessity　they　have　either　discarded　or　retained　the　right　of

secession　as　they　insist　it　exists　in　ours。　　　If　they　have　discarded

it；　they　thereby　admit　that　on　principle　it　ought　not　to　be　in　ours。

If　they　have　retained　it；　by　their　own　construction　of　ours；　they

show　that　to　be　consistent　they　must　secede　from　one　another　whenever

they　shall　find　it　the　easiest　way　of　settling　their　debts；　or

effecting　any　other　selfish　or　unjust　object。　　The　principle　itself

is　one　of　disintegration　and　upon　which　no　government　can　possibly

endure。



If　all　the　States　save　one　should　assert　the　power　to　drive　that　one

out　of　the　Union；　it　is　presumed　the　whole　class　of　seceder

politicians　would　at　once　deny　the　power　and　denounce　the　act　as　the

greatest　outrage　upon　State　rights。　　But　suppose　that　precisely　the

same　act；　instead　of　being　called　〃driving　the　one　out；〃　should　be

called　〃the　seceding　of　the　others　from　that　one；〃　it　would　be

exactly　what　the　seceders　claim　to　do；　unless；　indeed；　they　make　the

point　that　the　one；　because　it　is　a　minority；　may　rightfully　do　what

the　others；　because　they　are　a　majority；　may　not　rightfully　do。

These　politicians　are　subtle　and　profound　on　the　rights　of

minorities。　　They　are　not　partial　to　that　power　which　made　the

Constitution　and　speaks　from　the　preamble　calling　itself　〃We；　the

People。〃



It　may　well　be　questioned　whether　there　is　to…day　a　majority　of　the

legally　qualified　voters　of　any　State　except　perhaps　South　Carolina

in　favor　of　disunion。　　There　is　much　reason　to　believe　that　the　Union

men　are　the　majority　in　many；　if　not　in　every　other　one；　of　the　so…

called　seceded　States。　　The　contrary　has　not　been　demonstrated　in　any

one　of　them。　　It　is　ventured　to　affirm　this　even　of　Virginia　and

Tennessee；　for　the　result　of　an　election　held　in　military　camps；

where　the　bayonets　are　all　on　one　side　of　the　question　voted　upon；

can　scarcely　be　considered　as　demonstrating　popular　sentiment。　　At

such　an　election；　all　that　large　class　who　are　at　once　for　the　Union

and　against　coercion　would　be　coerced　to　vote　against　the　Union。



It　may　be　affirmed　without　extravagance　that　the　free　institutions　we

enjoy　have　developed　the　powers　and　improved　the　condition　of　our

whole　people　beyond　any　example　in　the　world。　　Of　this　we　now　have　a

striking　and　an　impressive　illustration。　　So　large　an　army　as　the

government　has　now　on　foot　was　never　before　known　without　a　soldier

in　it　but　who　has　taken　his　place　there　of　his　own　free　choice。　　But

more　than　this；　there　are　many　single　regiments　whose　members；　one

and　another；　possess　full　practical　knowledge　of　all　the　arts；

sciences；　professions；　and　whatever　else；　whether　useful　or　elegant；

is　known　in　the　world；　and　there　is　scarcely　one　from　which　there

could　not　be　selected　a　President；　a　Cabinet；　a　Congress；　and　perhaps

a　court；　abundantly　competent　to　administer　the　government　itself。

Nor　do　I　say　this　is　not　true　also　in　the　army　of　our　late　friends；

now　adversaries　in　this　contest；　but　if　it　is；　so　much　better　the

reason　why　the　government　which　has　conferred　such　benefits　on　both

them　and　us　should　not　be　broken　up。　　Whoever　in　any　section　proposes

to　abandon　such　a　government　would　do　well　to　consider　in　deference

to　what　principle　it　is　that　he　does　it；　what　better　he　is　likely　to

get　in　its　stead；　whether　the　substitute　will　give；　or　be　intended　to

give；　so　much　of　good　to　the　people。　　There　are　some　foreshadowings

on　this　subject。　　Our　adversaries　have　adopted　some　declarations　of

independence　in　which；　unlike　the　good　old　one；　penned　by　Jefferson；

they　omit　the　words　〃all　men　are　created　equal。〃　Why？　They　have

adopted　a　temporary　national　constitution；　in　the　preamble　of　which；

unlike　our　good　old　one；　signed　by　Washington；　they　omit　〃We；　the

People；〃　and　substitute；　〃We；　the　deputies　of　the　sovereign　and

independent　States。〃　Why？　Why　this　deliberate　pressing　out　of　view

the　rights　of　men　and　the　authority　of　the　people？



This　is　essentially　a　people's　contest。　　On　the　side　of　the　Union　it

is　a　struggle　for　maintaining　in　the　world　that　form　and　substance　of

government　whose　leading　object　is　to　elevate　the　condition　of　men　to

lift　artificial　weights　from　all　shoulders；　to　clear　the　paths　of

laudable　pursuit　for　all；　to　afford　all　an　unfettered　start；　and　a

fair　chance　in　the　race　of　life。　　Yielding　to　partial　and　temporary

departures；　from　necessity；　this　is　the　leading　object　of　the

government　for　whose　existence　we　contend。



I　am　most　happy　to　believe　that　the　plain　people　understand　and

appreciate　this。　　It　is　worthy　of　note　that；　while　in　this　the

government's　hour　of　trial　large　numbers　of　those　in　the　army　and

navy　who　have　been　favored　with　the　offices　have　resigned　and　proved

false　to　the　hand　which　had　pampered　them；　not　one　common　soldier　or

common　sailor　is　known　to　have　deserted　his　flag。



Great　honor　is　due　to　those　officers　who　remained　true；　despite　the

example　of　their　treacherous　associates；　but　the　greatest　honor；　and

most　important　fact　of　all；　is　the　unanimous　firmness　of　the　common

soldiers　and　common　sailors。　　To　the　last　man；　so　far　as　known；　they

have　successfully　resisted　the　traitorous　efforts　of　those　whose

commands；　but　an　hour　before；　they　obeyed　as　absolute　law。　　This　is

the　patriotic　instinct　of　the　plain　people。　　They　understand；　without

an　argument；　that　the　destroying　of　the　government　which　was　made　by

Washington　means　no　good　to　them。



Our　popular　government　has　often　been　called　an　experiment。　　Two

points　in　it　our　people　have　already　settledthe　successful

establishing　and　the　successful　administering　of　it。　　One　still

remainsits　successful　maintenance　against　a　formidable　internal

attempt　to　overthrow　it。　　It　is　now　for　them　to　demonstrate　to　the

world　that　those　who　can　fairly　carry　an　election　can　also　suppress　a

rebellion；　that　ballots　are　the　rightful　and　peaceful　successors　of

bullets；　and　that　when　ballots　have　fairly　and　constitutionally

decided；　there　can　be　no　successful　appeal　back　to　bullets；　that

there　can　be　no　successful　appeal；　except　to　ballots　themselves；　at

succeeding　elections。　　Such　will　be　a　great　lesson　of　peace：

teaching　men　that　what　they　cannot　take　by　an　election；　neither　can

they　take　it　by　a　war；　teaching　all　the　folly　of　being　the　beginners

of　a　war。



Lest　there　be　some　uneasiness　in　the　minds　of　candid　men　as　to　what

is　to　be　the　course　of　the　government　toward　the　Southern　States

after　the　rebellion　shall　have　been　suppressed；　the　executive　deems

it　proper　to　say　it　will　be　his　purpose　then；　as　ever；　to　be　guided

by　the　Constitution　and　the　laws；　and　that　he　probably　will　have　no

different　understanding　of　the　powers　and　duties　of　the　Federal

Government　relatively　to　the　rights　of　the　States　and　the　people；

under　the　Constitution；　than　that　expressed　in　the　inaugural　address。



He　desires　to　preserve　the　government；　that　it　may　be　administered

for　all　as　it　was　administered　by　the　men　who　made　it。　　Loyal

citizens　everywhere　have　the　right　to　claim　this　of　their　government；

and　the　government　has　no　right　to　withhold　or　neglect　it。　　It　is　not

perceived　that　in　giving　it　there　is　any　coercion；　any　conquest；　or

any　subjugation；　in　any　just　sense　of　those　terms。



The　Constitution　provides；　and　all　the　States　have　accepted　the

provision；　that　〃the　United　States　shall　guarantee　to　every　State　in

this　Union　a　republican　form　of　government。〃　　But　if　a　State　may

lawfully　go　out　of　th